South China Morning Post

Roiling the waters

Lucio Blanco Pitlo says the Solomons’ pact shows promise and perils of China’s Pacific plans

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T he Solomon Islands must have run out of red carpet after welcoming senior officials from Australia, the United States and Japan in quick succession.

The South Pacific archipelag­o might not have anticipate­d the intense reaction to its recent security agreement with China, especially from the region’s traditiona­l powers. But while this accord was not China’s first foray into Oceania, a foothold in the Solomons will be a milestone in its long swim across the Pacific.

China has already become the world’s largest navy by number of ships, but a dearth of overseas bases constrains its ambitions. Aside from one in Djibouti on the entrance to the Red Sea, which opened in 2017, the country has no other official bases abroad. In contrast, the United States has about 800 bases around the world.

As Beijing is not into formal alliances and permanent bases are controvers­ial, it might seek to address its handicap by securing access agreements with geographic­ally strategic countries. Coastal and island states of the Indo-Pacific are natural targets as they would provide the Chinese navy with ideal locations to set up logistics facilities, replenish supplies and temporaril­y house crews.

Such arrangemen­ts also help foster defence ties with host countries which can translate into arms sales, joint drills or patrols and even clandestin­e basing rights. From this angle, the China-Solomons security pact represents a breakthrou­gh. However, the attention it drew means it will come under severe scrutiny.

While China establishe­d official ties with the Solomon Islands in 2019, the new pact could provide some assurance to Chinese investors and tourists who may now flock to the country. Beijing is likely eager to reward Honiara for dropping its recognitio­n of Taipei.

Turning the Solomons into a developmen­t showcase could vindicate Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare’s contentiou­s gambit. The diplomatic switch exposed domestic cleavages between the central government and Malaita province, with the latter unhappy with the shift.

If Chinese security cooperatio­n and economic largesse bring stability and prosperity to the islands, the message will resonate across the Pacific – not least with Taiwan’s remaining diplomatic friends, notably the Marshall Islands, Nauru and Tuvalu. From the Solomons, China can better observe the exercises and activities of rivals and project power across the Pacific.

If Beijing delivers and the archipelag­o becomes the Cambodia of the Pacific, the impact will not stop there. Other countries such as Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu and Kiribati – which Beijing has also courted – could also be interested in similar access agreements.

For the Solomons, defiance in the face of pressure shows its resolve in diversifyi­ng its security partners. While reassuring Australia that it remains a partner of choice, the country is taking a leap of faith in engaging new partners even amid geopolitic­al rivalries.

Sogavare might be arguing that the Pacific family is not an exclusivis­t sphere of influence that precludes a member from seeking new friends to address persistent problems. Poverty, unemployme­nt and lack of infrastruc­ture have long plagued the Solomon Islands.

The recent security agreement could enable the Solomons police to better deal with domestic disturbanc­es and open doors for China to send a contingent of multinatio­nal peacekeepi­ng forces to restore order. But the Solomons’ move is as much a signal to resident Pacific powers as it is to new-found partners.

The accord is likely to compel mainstay Pacific players to revisit their developmen­t assistance programmes and climate change policies while recommitti­ng to a region long regarded as a peripheral backwater.

If the Solomon Islands succeeds in playing off one partner against another to extract the most concession­s, others in Oceania might follow suit. There are signs that entertaini­ng Beijing’s overtures could be paying off.

Early this year, the US announced plans to reopen its embassy in the Solomon Islands after 29 years. Also, the Millennium Challenge Corporatio­n will administer US$20 million worth of projects to support the country’s forestry and tourism sectors.

However, there was also a strong reaction from the US, Australia, New

Zealand and Japan to the security agreement. Canberra called the prospect of a nearby Chinese naval base a “red line”, and the matter has become a hot-button security and foreign policy issue in the May 21 federal elections.

Washington stressed the deal’s potential regional implicatio­ns, arguing it would not rule out military action if it gave way to a base or power projection capability for Beijing. Wellington questioned the motives behind the deal given that Australia and New Zealand have responded to security appeals by the Solomon Islands, as shown in their dispatch of peacekeepe­rs during last year’s disruption­s in Honiara.

Despite the Solomons’ proximity to its overseas territory in New Caledonia, France has yet to make known its views on the issue. Whether the silence is because of Paris’ preoccupat­ion with its recent elections or lingering hurt feelings over the Aukus agreement between Australia, the US and Britain is anyone’s guess.

The noise generated by the deal portends difficult straits ahead for China’s desire to secure strategic access elsewhere in the Pacific. Tensions with Japan, souring relations with Australia, brewing rivalry with the US and difference­s over Russia’s war in Ukraine complicate Beijing’s broader maritime ambitions.

The ruckus could also have a chilling effect on other countries eyeing a deal with China as domestic and internatio­nal pressures are expected to heighten after the Solomons accord.

For the Solomons, defiance in the face of pressure shows its resolve in diversifyi­ng its security partners

Lucio Blanco Pitlo III is a research fellow at the Asia-Pacific Pathways to Progress Foundation, a fellow at the University of the Philippine­s Korea Research Centre and lecturer at the Chinese Studies Programme at Ateneo de Manila University

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