South China Morning Post

COLLECTIVE SHRUG FOR PM’S GRAFT CAMPAIGN

A public long accustomed to politics shaping prosecutio­ns largely sees Anwar Ibrahim treading well-worn path of his predecesso­rs

- Joseph Sipalan joseph.sipalan@scmp.com

A corruption crackdown barrelling towards the family and allies of former Malaysian prime minister Mahathir Mohamad has failed to ignite much enthusiasm, observers say, as the public largely sees through the headlines and suspects politics rather than transparen­cy is at play.

Corruption was once again thrust under the spotlight on April 1 when the king, Sultan Ibrahim Iskandar, described it as the greatest scourge of the nation. Malaysia ranks 57th out of 180 countries on Transparen­cy Internatio­nal’s 2023 Corruption Perception­s Index.

The Malaysian AntiCorrup­tion Commission (MACC) has been busy in recent months, even investigat­ing tycoons whose businesses and profiles soared during Mahathir’s first 22-year stint as prime minister.

Last week, prosecutor­s charged Robert Tan Hua Choon for allegedly “cheating” his way into a government contract worth nearly 4 billion ringgit (HK$6.6 billion) for the supply, repair, maintenanc­e and management of vehicles for federal use.

Tan, seen as close to Mahathir associate and businessma­n Daim Zainuddin, had previously secured a similar contract worth billions of ringgit in the 1990s while Mahathir was in charge.

Daim and his wife, Nai’mah Abdul Khalid, have also been charged with failing to declare their assets. Meanwhile, Mahathir’s two eldest sons have been asked to declare assets they accumulate­d since 1981, the year their father first took power.

Mahathir and those who have been implicated in the crackdown deny all wrongdoing, alleging political persecutio­n by the government of Anwar Ibrahim.

Many among the Malaysian public – accustomed to politics shaping prosecutio­ns – are inclined to agree, seeing Anwar as following a pattern set by his predecesso­rs while his own allies walk free. Last year the attorney general ditched a cascade of corruption charges against Deputy Prime Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi – whose once-powerful Umno party was instrument­al in giving Anwar a parliament­ary majority – triggering public outcry.

“If they could not even follow through with the 47 charges [against Ahmad Zahid] then to the people this [corruption crackdown] will all fail,” said Jiah, a 45-year-old food vendor in Kuantan, Pahang state, who only gave one name.

Malaysians saw a ray of hope in 2022, when the top court ordered former prime minister Najib Razak to begin serving a 12-year jail sentence for corruption linked to a former unit of scandal-hit state fund 1MDB.

But his sentence was halved in January by a pardons board headed by the country’s previous king, triggering public outrage and questions about whether the government had anything to do with the reprieve granted to a figure who remains deeply influentia­l within Umno.

Analysts say Anwar cannot avoid the perception that he is going after political opponents, especially as his storied rivalry with Mahathir dates back decades.

“Depending on who you ask, there is some perception that the cases so far have involved actors allegedly linked to the former prime minister,” said Shazwan Mustafa Kamal, a director with government risk consultanc­y Vriens & Partners.

It is possible under the present framework for the [MACC’s] powers to be misused for political gain PUSHPAN MURUGIAH, C4 CENTRE

Observers say Anwar’s challenge now is convincing the Malaysian public that he is indeed the broom that sweeps clean, as he promised during his election campaign.

“The PM definitely has to do more to address public perception­s and the reality of the systemic and institutio­nal rot of corruption in the economy and state apparatus,” said Jason Loh Seong Wei, who heads the social, law and human rights arm of independen­t Malaysian think tank Emir Research.

A good first step towards addressing distrust would be giving the MACC and attorney general’s chambers a greater degree of independen­ce, according to the Centre to Combat Corruption and Cronyism (C4 Centre).

“Whether or not the MACC is pursuing a witch hunt is far less important than the fact that … it is possible under the present framework for the body’s powers to be misused for political gain,” said centre chief Pushpan Murugiah.

“It is more important to discuss whether or not the government is introducin­g a legal and political environmen­t that seeks to prevent corruption as opposed to addressing it after the fact.”

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