South China Morning Post

Barriers to Chinese exports go against free-trade principles

Christophe­r Tang says slamming China for using its manufactur­ing advantages is hypocritic­al

- Christophe­r Tang is a distinguis­hed professor at the UCLA Anderson School of Management

Who is in the right? US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen on her visit to China expressed concerns about the surge in Chinese export products, including electric vehicles (EVs) and solar panels. China dismissed these concerns, viewing them as a pretext for the US to implement its protection­ist policies.

As a member of the World Trade Organizati­on (WTO), China is entitled to use its capabiliti­es to increase its exports, provided it adheres to establishe­d rules.

China became a member of the WTO in 2001, a move strongly supported by the Clinton administra­tion. This support was predicated on mutual benefits: the United States could access a vast market while China could accelerate economic growth.

In the early 2000s, the US underwent what is often referred to as the “China shock”. This was characteri­sed by a surge in imports of inexpensiv­e goods manufactur­ed in China.

While this helped maintain low inflation rates in the US, it came at the expense of domestic manufactur­ing jobs.

Economic growth in China has elevated hundreds of millions of people from extreme poverty. Concurrent­ly, a growing middle class in China developed a fondness for American products, contributi­ng to US economic growth.

With growing economic interdepen­dence, the US trade deficit with China ballooned from under US$100 billion in 2001 to over US$400 billion in 2018. This trade gap led former president Donald Trump to launch a trade war against China, imposing hefty tariffs on goods imported from the country.

In an effort to garner voter support, particular­ly ahead of the presidenti­al elections, both Trump and President Joe Biden have strived to protect US jobs in sectors vulnerable to Chinese competitio­n.

In January, reports emerged that Biden was contemplat­ing higher tariffs on EVs and critical minerals imported from China. The following month, Trump said he would escalate tariffs on Chinese goods, possibly to more than 60 per cent, if elected.

But the strategy of using import tariffs to safeguard domestic jobs is both expensive and unsustaina­ble. From 2018-23, US manufactur­ing jobs saw a modest increase of 3.4 per cent. “Made in America” created jobs but each one arguably cost the taxpayer hundreds of thousands of dollars.

Regrettabl­y, these tariffs have proved to be a financial burden for American businesses and consumers. Specifical­ly, they have increased production costs, as more than half of US imports are raw materials or intermedia­te goods used in production.

With Trump-Biden tariffs still in effect, China’s post-pandemic economic recovery has been slower than anticipate­d. Faced with declining consumer confidence and rising debt, Beijing has limited options for gross domestic product growth. Apart from issuing US$139 billion of ultra-long special government bonds, the other option to stimulate growth is by increasing its exports.

China’s manufactur­ing purchasing managers’ index (PMI) has mostly hovered below 50 since January 2023. (A reading above 50 indicates an expansion in production activity, while a reading below that signifies a contractio­n.) Given China’s conditions, this suggests excessive production capacity. Even with the manufactur­ing contractio­n, with consumer spending remaining sluggish, factories are producing more cars, machinery and electronic­s than the domestic economy can consume.

Supported by state-directed loans, Chinese firms are flooding foreign markets with goods they cannot sell domestical­ly. In January, China lowered its export prices by more than 8 per cent and boosted exports by more than 15 per cent year on year. The influx of inexpensiv­e Chinese electric vehicles and solar panels could, however, harm developed economies. To safeguard jobs and the economy, the US and European Union are looking at tariffs to restrict the import of Chinese EVs and solar panels.

Meanwhile, economies such as Brazil, India, Mexico and Indonesia fear the influx of cheap Chinese imports of commoditie­s such as steel and chemicals could jeopardise their industries. To protect these sectors, countries are also looking at import tariffs on various Chinese commoditie­s.

But criticisin­g China for capitalisi­ng on its manufactur­ing advantages to produce competitiv­ely priced exports goes against the principles of free trade.

From China’s perspectiv­e, concerns about its competitiv­e exports are an attempt to distort fair competitio­n. China has establishe­d efficient supply chains and long earned the moniker “the factory of the world”. In EVs for instance, Chinese market leaders like BYD have developed a vertically integrated system that encompasse­s the design and production of EV batteries, chips and entire vehicles.

Due to its lower labour costs, economies of scale, an efficient production system and government subsidies, China has developed the capability to produce high-quality products at a low cost. Consequent­ly, Beijing views the complaints about the so-called China Shock 2.0 as hypocritic­al.

In response to the concerns raised by the US, China lodged a complaint with the WTO last month. This was to challenge US rules in the Inflation Reduction Act, which stipulate that EVs must use parts from specific regions to qualify for subsidies, thereby excluding products from China and other countries. China argued that these rules were discrimina­tory and unjust.

Trade barriers are a form of protection­ism that can lead to economic stagnation. A more constructi­ve approach would be for the US and China to foster a more open and collaborat­ive relationsh­ip, to promote fair and efficient trade.

Supported by statedirec­ted loans, Chinese firms are flooding foreign markets with goods they cannot sell domestical­ly

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