Financial Mirror (Cyprus)

Abe’s bullseye

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Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has unveiled his long-awaited growth strategy – the so-called “third arrow” of what has come to be known as “Abenomics.” A preliminar­y version of the plan, announced to Japan’s Diet last year, was met with disappoint­ment in internatio­nal financial markets, which had expected a bolder approach. The new version is far more robust – and has received a far more positive global response.

Over the last 18 months, the first and second arrows of Abenomics – consisting of expansiona­ry monetary and fiscal policies – have achieved considerab­le success in spurring Japan’s economic renewal. For starters, they have fueled price growth, with the GDP price deflator declining from 3% to nearly zero.

Moreover, the ratio of job openings to applicants, which fell to 0.4 under Japan’s last government, led by the Democratic Party of Japan, is now approachin­g 1.1. Indeed, Japan is beginning to show signs of a labor shortage.

But the limits of Abenomics’ first two arrows will soon be reached. With employment rising as Japan’s economy moves toward realising potential output, monetary stimulus will create inflationa­ry pressures and public expenditur­e will yield sharply diminishin­g returns. At that point, significan­t growth can be achieved only by increasing the economy’s real productive capacity. That is what Abe’s new growth strategy aims to achieve.

At the strategy’s core is the removal of obstacles to growth for businesses, particular­ly the eliminatio­n or easing of regulatory barriers. Deregulati­on promises to bolster the ability of Japan’s private sector, which already excels in high-technology industries, to innovate and compete globally. While some officials, who may benefit from business regulation­s, may resist this initiative, its economic benefits, together with Abe’s determinat­ion, are compelling. At the same time, Japan will undergo sweeping labour-market reforms, open designated industries to foreign workers, and create “special economic zones” within which officials will have the authority that they need to reduce red tape in areas like agricultur­al land management. If concluded, the Trans-Pacific Partnershi­p – a megaregion­al 12-country free-trade agreement – will provide an additional boost to Japan’s economy.

Perhaps the most promising reform is corporate-tax reduction, which will help Japan boost both foreign and domestic investment. By spurring increased business activity, it will actually increase Japan’s corporate-tax revenue.

By global standards, Japan’s current corporate-tax rate of 35% is quite high. Indeed, while it remains lower than in some US states (California’s rate, for example, stands at 40%), it exceeds the rates applied in Germany (25%), China (24%), South Korea (24%), the United Kingdom (24%), and Singapore (17%).

A quarter-century ago, the UK and Germany had higher corporate-tax rates than Japan. But they have since recognised the value of reduced rates. The UK practicall­y waged a tax war against other countries to attract investment. Both countries’ experience­s have demonstrat­ed that substantia­l reductions over a short period are far more effective than a gradual, drawn-out process. Fortunatel­y, Abe plans to follow suit.

The impact of this approach may be even more pronounced in Japan, where only a small share of firms currently pay corporate tax. One reason for this is the contractio­nary monetary policy pursued by former Bank of Japan Governor Masaaki Shirakawa, which prevented the economy from reaching its growth potential for more than 15 years, until Haruhiko Kuroda took over the position.

Japan’s so-called “special measures for corporate tax” – ad hoc provisions that reduce or waive certain taxes for firms at particular times – have also contribute­d to sustaining the economy’s output gap. These measures not only distort resource allocation; they also often lead to collusion between businesses and government officials seeking opportunit­ies to enter the private sector upon retirement. Eliminatin­g them would go a long way toward increasing corporate-tax revenue, without stifling growth.

Abe’s growth strategy has the potential to bring massive benefits to Japan. But it will also demand sacrifices. Consumptio­n-tax hikes will be borne by consumers; the TPP will create new challenges for farmers; and deregulati­on will run counter to some bureaucrat­s’ interests. In this context, it is reasonable to expect businesses to relinquish some of their tax exemptions.

The Abe government has presented a set of forward-looking reforms – and appears determined to follow through on implementi­ng them, even if doing so means confrontin­g those with a vested interest in their failure. If the third arrow succeeds in sustaining Japan’s economic revival, there will no longer be any room to doubt the merits of Abenomics.

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