Financial Mirror (Cyprus)

Three surprises in 2017

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Economic pundits traditiona­lly offer their (traditiona­lly inaccurate) New Year prediction­s at the beginning of January. But global conditions this year are anything but traditiona­l, so it seemed appropriat­e to wait until US President Donald Trump settled into the White House to weigh in on some of the main surprises that might shake up the world economy and financial markets on his watch. Judging by current market movements and conditions, the world could be caught off guard by three potentiall­y transforma­tive developmen­ts.

For starters, Trump’s economic policies are likely to produce much higher US interest rates and inflation than financial markets expect. Trump’s election has almost certainly ended the 35-year trend of disinflati­on and declining rates that began in 1981, and that has been the dominant influence on economic conditions and asset prices worldwide.

But investors and policymake­rs don’t believe it yet. The US Federal Reserve Board’s published forecasts suggest only three quarter-point rate hikes this year, and futures markets have priced in just two such moves.

As Trump launches his policies, however, the Fed is likely to tighten its monetary policy more than it had planned before the inaugurati­on, not less, as the markets still expect. More i mportant, as Trump’s policies boost both real economic activity and inflation, long-term interest rates, which influence the world economy more than the overnight rates set by central banks, are likely to rise steeply.

The rationale for this scenario is straightfo­rward. Trump’s tax and spending plans will sharply reverse the budget consolidat­ion enforced by Congress on Barack Obama’s administra­tion, and household borrowing will expand dramatical­ly if Trump fulfills his promise to reverse the bank regulation­s imposed after the 2008 financial crisis. As all this extra stimulus fuels an economy already nearing full employment, inflation seems bound to accelerate, with protection­ist trade tariffs and a possible “border tax” raising prices even more for imported goods.

The only uncertaint­y is how monetary policy will respond to this “Trumpflati­on.” But whether the Fed tries to counteract it by raising interest rates more aggressive­ly than its current forecasts imply, or decides to move cautiously, keeping short-term interest rates well behind the rising curve of price growth, bond investors will suffer. As a result, yields on ten-year US bonds could jump from 2.5% to 3.5% or more in the year ahead – and ultimately much higher.

In Europe and Japan, by contrast, monetary conditions will remain loose, as central banks continue to support economic growth with zero interest rates and quantitati­ve easing (QE). And this policy divergence suggests a second potential shock for which financial markets seem unprepared.

The US dollar could strengthen much further, especially against emerging-market currencies, despite Trump’s stated desire to boost US exports. The catalyst for exchange-rate appreciati­on would be not only higher US interest rates, but also a dollar squeeze in emerging markets, where foreign debts have increased by $3 trillion since 2010. A confluence of dollar strength and excessive foreign borrowing caused the debt crises in Latin America and Asia in the 1980s and 1990s. This time, Trump’s protection­ism could make matters even worse, especially for countries such as Mexico and Turkey, which have based their developmen­t strategies on rapidly expanding exports and have financed domestic business activity with dollar debts.

So much for the bad news. Fortunatel­y, a third major developmen­t that is not priced into financial markets could be more favorable for global economic conditions: the European Union – an even more important market than the US for almost every trading country apart from Mexico and Canada – could do much better than expected in 2017.

Economic indicators began to improve rapidly in most EU countries from early 2015, when the European Central Bank stopped the fragmentat­ion of the eurozone by launching a bond-buying program even bigger than the QE pioneered by the Fed.

But this economic recovery was overwhelme­d last year by fears of political disintegra­tion. With the Netherland­s, France, Germany, and Italy all facing populist insurgenci­es – and at least the first three holding elections this year – the Brexit and Trump shocks have naturally provoked anxiety that the next domino to fall will be one of these EU founding members, followed perhaps by the entire EU.

These expectatio­ns create the possibilit­y of the biggest surprise of 2017: instead of disintegra­ting, the EU stabilizes, facilitati­ng an economic rebound and a period of strong financial performanc­e similar to the US “Goldilocks period” from 2010 to 2014, when the economy recovered at a pace that was neither too hot nor too cold. The key event will be France’s presidenti­al election, which will most likely be decided in a second-round runoff on May 7. If either Francois Fillon or Emmanuel Macron wins, France will embark on an economic reform process comparable to Germany’s in 2003, undertaken by then-Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder.

Even a mild foretaste of such reforms would encourage a relaxation of the austerity terms demanded by the new German government that emerges from the general election there on September 24.

A more cooperativ­e and constructi­ve Franco-German relationsh­ip would, in turn, erode support for the populist Five Star Movement in Italy.

The risk to this benign scenario is, of course, that Marine Le Pen wins in France. In that case, a breakup of the EU will become a realistic prospect, triggering panic in European financial markets and economies. Every opinion poll and serious analysis of French politics indicates that President Le Pen is an impossible fantasy. But isn’t that what every opinion poll and serious analysis of US politics indicated last year about President Trump?

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