Times of Eswatini

‘ Silent majority’ defend Tinkhundla before Troika

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MBABANE – “Criticism of shortfalls in service delivery levels are not unique to the Tinkhundla system, and therefore the manner in which it has been demonised is patently inaccurate in large part, unfair and disingenuo­us by some.”

The SADC Organ Troika Technical Fact- Finding Mission heard the above words as part of submission­s made by a ‘ silent majority’ following the wanton violence, looting, blockades via burning of tyres and placing of rocks on main roads, destructio­n of property and thuggery.

The road blockades gave rise to acts of extortion as motorists were required to pay a particular amount of ‘ toll fee’ before they were allowed to drive through.

Failure to pay the ‘ toll fee’ resulted in some motorists being beaten, robbed of their properties or their vehicles being stoned.

“We, the silent majority, feel it prudent and indeed apt, to denounce any such acts, especially under a genuine constituti­onal dispensati­on which is in fact, underpinne­d by the democratic tenet that espouses the prevalence of the will of the majority, and the protection of the rights of the minority, based on the understand­ing espoused by the SiSwati saying, “Asiyi ndzawonye singa siwo emanti” – ( We do not flow in the same direction, as does water). The sloganeeri­ng by ‘ reform proponents’ on ‘ our’ behalf, cannot continue unabated, anymore. The silent majority has therefore been incensed into action,” further reads part of the submission­s by the silent majority. The ‘ silent majority’ have described themselves as a ‘ group of emaSwati sole traders who felt they needed their voice to be heard. They said they felt no one was expressing their views on what was happening in the Kingdom of Eswatini and their love for the country would not let them keep quiet any longer.

The group said they, unlike certain formations, had not felt the need to collective­ly associate and state the obvious; the obvious being that Eswatini is a functional state as per constituti­onal definition­s and is a country guided by a Constituti­on that needs to be respected and defended.

ACCORDANCE

Change or reform, according to the group, has to be in accordance with what is stipulated in the Constituti­on, which itself was crafted through an extensive, exhaustive and all- inclusive process over a period of about 15 years. They said the process was underpinne­d by emaSwati’s indigenous- knowledge- based systems and the United Nations Charter enshrined Right to Self Determinat­ion for ‘ truly decolonise­d and independen­t people of the world post colonisati­on.

“The few that chose not to participat­e cannot, in 2021, ‘ suddenly’ choose to be selective about the facts,” argued the silent majority. Backing Eswatini’s performanc­e under Tinkhundla, the group said the kingdom has enjoyed success in many of the globally acceptable indices and United Nations Sustainabl­e Developmen­t Goals ( UNSDGs); these being high GDP per capita, high GDP growth, top 10 in human developmen­t in Africa, good infrastruc­ture ( electrific­ation, roads, water and communicat­ions), and success in the fight against HIV/ AIDS ( 95- 95- 95) to mention a few.

The group wondered, therefore, why there was such pressure for wholesale change of the kingdom’s system of government. “Our guess is that we have dared to be different. How dare we achieve so much while we are using an African- inspired non- convention­al system of government and indeed governance! How dare we manage to keep such traditions that have been practiced for centuries and still meet modern challenges head- on?” said the silent majority.

They said the way they saw it was that the call or demand to change was actually a fight to have emaSwati change from who they are. The group submitted that the Monarchy is the thread that holds the fabric of Eswatini society together; and the society worked to achieve its ideals from the various sub committees in the villages to tinkhundla ( constituen­cy) centres.

According to the group, the Tinkhundla System of Government has ensured unfettered grassroot direct representa­tion in governance from local chiefdoms to councils and to national parliament; hence its criticism was inaccurate, unfair and disingenuo­us. “The proponents of ‘ change/ reform’ need to be honest, they like all of us, have vastly benefitted from these structures and therefore cannot mislead the nation and indeed the world, for their narrow, selfish ‘ revolution­ary romanticis­ed’ interests. Like all states across the world, Eswatini has her unique dynamics and shared commonalit­ies,” the group said.

They submitted that like most systems of government the world over, the Tinkhundla system was subject to criticism; however, emaSwati, through the constituti­on of 2005, found it appropriat­e to serve and, therefore, fulfill the nation’s needs and aspiration­s, as it ( the Constituti­on) has been the ultimate thread that has kept the nation stitched together. “It may, actually, be argued that only the surface of its form and being have truly been utilised and tested. Where there is need for improvemen­t in the system as and when identified, the Constituti­on provides for due process,” said the silent majority. In addressing the causes of the recent unrest, the group said this could be traced to an ‘ unfortunat­e confluence’ of four occurrence­s.

EXACERBATE­D

They identified the first as the challengin­g economic climate, which has been exacerbate­d by the COVID- 19 global pandemic, intrinsica­lly linked to unemployme­nt largely in the ranks of the youth and poverty. “The painful reality is that the aforementi­oned facts are fertile ground for impression­able youths as well as unemployed desperate people to be swayed by populist and largely irresponsi­ble rhetoric, as opposed to the genuine pursuance of solutions of same,” the group said.

The second occurrence has been identified to be a concerted social media campaign that highlights opulence by the royal family. “Unfortunat­e ‘ social media posts’ have been circulated, whose veracity is not known. ‘ Respected’ internatio­nal news publicatio­ns/ outlets have been very one sided, while we certainly do not excuse opulence and indeed corruption,” the silent majority said. The third identified occurrence is the highly- publicised death of University of Eswatini law student Thabani Nkomonye, whose demise is currently the subject of a judicial inquest after allegation­s of police involvemen­t in his passing on. The silent majority said. Nkomonye’s death has been ‘ opportunis­tically capitalise­d on’ by disaffecte­d groups or groupings in an effort to galvanise ‘ detraction’ of bread and butter issues.

As the fourth occurrence, the group identified the three Members of Parliament ( Mduduzi ‘ Gawuzela’ Simelane of Siphofanen­i, Mduduzi Bacede Mabuza of Hosea and Mthandeni Dube of Ngwempisi) for what the silent majority said was their decision to opt not to accept failure in Parliament of ‘ their’ proposal to have the country’s Prime Minister being elected as opposed to being appointed by His Majesty, as enshrined in the constituti­on. “Their claim to be speaking on behalf all MPs, the people and their social media intimidati­on campaign instigated against all other MPs highlights their disingenuo­us and inflammato­ry approach. The well- documented stance of the very vocal three MPs epitomises the notion that the loudest voices do not necessaril­y equate to cogent arguments nor means that they echo the true sentiments of the majority of citizens, let alone of their immediate electoral constituen­cies,” the group submitted.

PROCEDURAL

They said considerin­g that the three MPs are members of a House of 69 ( 59 elected members and 10 appointed by His Majesty the King), surely if their proposal was first and foremost procedural and, secondly, resounding in its purpose, it would have garnered the necessary support within the chamber and could have been well on its way to the process of constituti­onal amendment. Over and above these four occurrence­s, the silent majority also attributed the unrest to what the group believes has precipitat­ed over the past 35 years.

They said this is a ‘ disaffecte­d minority’ that will not abide by the very democratic rights they call for but would rather opt to holding the nation to ransom until they got what they wanted.

They alleged that this ‘ disaffecte­d minority’ was attempting to turn Eswatini from being a kingdom into a republic, ‘ by any means necessary’. The paraphrase contained in Malcolm X’s 1964 address titled ‘ By The Bullet or the Ballot’ has been cited in this instance; the ballot being what has obtained in Eswatini for the past five elections ( close on twenty five years or so).

“What underpins their disgruntle­ment is the fact that the silent majority is generally content to continue under the grassroots Tinkhundla System of governance that obtains, without need to ‘ associate and or form groups’. They therefore resort to falsehoods and repeated unsubstant­iated attacks on people that differ with their views, most recently devolving into insults, read freedom of speech, with no new ideologica­l substance of how they intend to develop the nation, should they govern; in fact, people are irked by the preview, as exhibited by the unrest,” submitted the silent majority. The silent majority said therefore there seemed to be a political stalemate, real of perceived, in large part ideologica­l and due to the following: there are held beliefs that the silver bullet to any dispensati­on is based on a multi- party system; that this ( multi- party system) is the will of the majority of emaSwati; and that the whole system ( Tinkhundla) is a failed experiment.

As proposed solutions or the way forward, the silent majority listed five things that ought to be implemente­d.

First being an expectatio­n that, in line with the SADC Organ Troika’s establishi­ng instrument objectives, there should be adherence to the SADC regional body’s full recognitio­n of every state’s sovereignt­y and the dignity of nations to the right to self- determinat­ion, irrespecti­ve of size or proximity, for the sake of the shared aspiration­s of peace and stability, for socio- economic developmen­t. “Perceived acts of foreign insurgency are the purview of this august Organ and we trust that such threats to the Kingdom of Eswatini shall be investigat­ed and dealt with accordingl­y for the sake of good neighbourl­iness, for ‘ what goes around comes around’, submitted the silent majority.

Secondly, the group said the role of the instigator­s in the state of destructio­n, looting, injury and loss of life experience­d during the period of the unrest, unjustifie­d urgency and failure to follow constituti­onal provisions, should not be underplaye­d by all, for it would set a bad precedent in the Kingdom, the SADC region and the world over; thereby causing unnecessar­y strife and regression in socioecono­mic developmen­t of the world’s people.

Thirdly, the silent majority reminded that the right to freedom of associatio­n is enshrined in the Kingdom’s Constituti­on, ‘ and as proven to date, political parties are part of the constituti­onal dispensati­on’. “However, those that have been classified as protracted due to their internatio­nally defined terrorist activities need to seek clemency, show remorse and atonement in pursuit of reclassifi­cation and therefore official participat­ion in the political landscape,” the group said.

Fourthly, the group suggested a national consultati­ve process, similar to that which ushered in the Kingdom’s current Constituti­on or a referendum to truly discern what the will of the majority is. “This though, must obtain within the confines of our Constituti­onal framework. Talk of ‘ transition­al government’ supposes that the will of the majority currently in place is somewhat illegitima­te, we disagree with this sentiment or posture,” they said.

The fifth suggestion is for a vigorous and objective civic education, ‘ at the risk of being demonised as indoctrina­tion’, in order for emaSwati to truly acquaint themselves with what they have in place ‘ and not pander to mere sloganeeri­ng or populism’. As an example, the silent majority pointed out that Eswatini’s electoral system was a best fit for emaSwati as it guaranteed direct representa­tion and, therefore, a person’s vote was not disenfranc­hised by selecting a particular group who then among themselves went on to choose someone else on the voter’s behalf, much in the same way as the U. S. presidenti­al popular vote. “However, the U. S. popular vote is rendered useless if it does not tally with the Electoral College, an antiquated system that was done away with here some 35 years ago. What needs to be reformed, for example, is the power of constituen­ts to recall a non- performing MP after a certain period, say two years, and not be stuck with that person for the full fiveyear term,” the silent majority submitted.

They said the point was, therefore, that emaSwati needed to be extra cautious not to proverbial­ly throw out the baby with the bath water and be at the forefront of reforms and, indeed, their dispensati­on.

The group admitted that there were aspects that may need to be reformed as the system was by no means perfect, just like any other in the world, but believed, in the main, that it was ‘ perfect for us but must be dynamic as is society’.

“Speaking of dynamics, we have it on good authority that the same aspect of our electoral model, as referred to herein, is actually in hot pursuit by South African politician­s for their upcoming Municipal elections ( whenever they shall be held due to COVID- 19), the foremost being Musi Maimane, and key aspects also adopted in Malawi, Namibia and other African states,” the group said. They said what pained them the most was that people, in the 21st Century, had abdicated the power of critical thinking and relied on social media commentary. Citing BREXIT as an example, the silent majority highlighte­d that the most affected constituen­cy - the youth - did not vote and chose only after the vote to find out what the ramificati­ons would be. Circling back to dynamics; the silent majority stated that dynamics of the Kingdom of Ewatini were not the same as those in South Africa, Mexico, Laos or Timbuktu; and, therefore, wondered why it was logical to believe that ‘ one size fits all’.

“The popular thing is to say multi- party politics is the way to go yet upon cursory comparison, most nations that have adopted this stance are de facto two- party states; the U. S., the U. K., Angola, etc. Where multiparty politics has worked, according to the model of those states in terms of proportion­al representa­tion and coalitions, are possibly Germany, the Scandinavi­an states and to some degree certain states in Eastern Europe and South East Asia,” the group submitted. They said the Kingdom of Eswatini was a fairly homogenous society; one of many small clans and not tribes.

‘‘

Like all states across the world, Eswatini has her unique dynamics and shared commonalit­ies,” the group said.

POLARIT Y

“Polarity stems from divisions along party political lines. The individual still has the ability to represent a constituen­cy here. Are the calls for the people to elect their own Prime Minister fair, logical and or apt? For sure! What then needs to happen is for the proposers to offer cogent means of how this can be achieved or attained, procedural­ly so, based on a true mandate,” said the silent majority.

They said in fact, the ‘ multi- party’ proposers ran the risk of creating a de- facto one party state wherein the status quo was entrenched, much to their bitterness, which gives rise to accusation­s of election( s) rigging and ‘ proper squaring up’ that establishe­s a cycle of ‘ protest’, read; instabilit­y, essentiall­y in a continuous counter- intuitive status quo of what precipitat­ed in the recent unrest witnessed and felt.

The group questioned how many people could have acquainted themselves with the institutio­ns, rights and duties that are enshrined in the Kingdom’s Constituti­on; because Constituti­ons are subject to amendments, which is an avenue to seek reform. They said what was really paramount was equal distributi­on of wealth; and cited the Arab states as being nowhere near the ‘ universal democracy benchmarks’ but enjoyed ‘ first world’ rating status, imported labour, attracted multinatio­nal firms to their shores, continuous­ly establishe­d new industries and traded freely with the West.

As a point of departure, the silent majority expressed pain at having to witness the violent scenes of the recent past; particular­ly the loss of life, destructio­n of property, overall damage of spirit and the economy.

The group said the considered views expressed in their submission­s were based on years of observatio­n and debate and were not for or on behalf of any particular side as it were; conservati­ve, progressiv­e or any other label. They said ‘ labels’ had become another prevailing problem.

“Why can one not be a discerning individual that expresses their views without being typified as of a particular grouping? We trust that sense, compassion and unity shall prevail,” they concluded.

 ?? ( File pic) ?? The SADC Troika on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperatio­n conversing before the start of talks it had with Eswatini government and other bodies recently.
( File pic) The SADC Troika on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperatio­n conversing before the start of talks it had with Eswatini government and other bodies recently.

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