Bombing, assaults a mere coincidence?

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29(510(17¶6 reaction to the Multi-Stakeholder Forum’s (MSF) recently pronounced resolution to convene its own national dialogue out of frustration by the failure of the former to convene same just about shredded the lie about the purported democratic credentials of the Tinkhundla political system and laid bare the fact that the twin-freedoms of assembly and expression merely existed in the so-called supreme law of the land, the national Constitution, and not in real everyday lives of emaSwati. Hence the national charter remains a refuge for political thuggery.

Reacting to the MSF’s decision to proceed with hosting its own national dialogue in response to government’s continued refusal to take the lead, in this respect, with its delaying tactics, Government Spokesperson Alpheous Nxumalo was Tuoted by the press issuing a veiled threat of drastic actions ± interpreted to mean visiting violence on emaSwati opposed to the political system as attested to by the mass shooting and murders that occurred during the June 2021 pro-multiparty democracy protests ± by government, likening the MSF proposition as daydreaming as it was impossible ostensibly because µit was well known throughout the country who was endowed with the powers and authority to summon and commission a national dialogue’.

Ventured

Nxumalo also unwittingly ventured on the contradictions of the same Constitution that, on one hand, allows freedom of association yet, on the other hand, bans political parties, noting that the freedom to meet that they (political parties that have unbanned themselves) currently enjoyed was by default in all probabilities. Why should this freedom of assembly be by default in the first instance? It is this posture concomitant with the continued denial of fundamental human rights and freedoms to the people since 1973 that in effect mothered last year’s open revolt against the system, which could not have been amplified any better than Nxumalo’s emotive charged earn-your-upkeep fightback.

To put matters in perspective, the MSF’s decision to host its own dialogue is a conseTuence of government’s consistent creation of obstacles and excuses for not convening a national dialogue. It has previously employed cultural activities, among others, to stall the process towards this objective. The reason for this is not hard to find, government and the leadership are afraid of the ground-swell of emaSwati demanding political change and empirical to this was the overwhelming electoral victory of Nomalungelo /a=wide Simelane, who replaced her exiled husband, Mduduzi µMagawugawu’ Simelane, as Siphofaneni Inkhundla Member of Parliament (MP). Not that the State did not try, and failed, to have a pro-Tinkhundla candidate prevail in the elections.

Shivers

Then came the newly-elected MP’s thanksgiving ceremony in which the State also tried to ensure it did not happen that, in spite of the red tape occasioned by the State, attracted perhaps the biggest audience ever. That must have sent cold shivers down the spines of the rank and file of the Tinkhundla political system on this imminent threat. Hence convening a national dialogue is not in the best interests of government and the leadership because it could be their waterloo and final chapter of this cancerous system that has bankrupted this nation politically, socio-economically and morally.

As I see it, the continued political prosecution and persecution of MPs, Mduduzi Bacede Mabuza and Mthandeni Dube ± who have since gained hero status among conscious and conscientious emaSwati ± provides empirical evidence of just how scared and threatened the political establishment is about the possibility of multiparty democracy replacing their self-serving Tinkhundla political system. Alongside this apparent persecution, whose clear and unambiguous evidence is provided by their being refused bail, suggesting that their fate was decided even before they were arrested - guilty as charged.

Which brings me to what appears to be extra-judiciary and barbaric assaults on the MPs while under the custody, care and protection of the State. Deny it is they might, the State is responsible for the health, well-being and security of the MPs, just as with all inmates under its custody. The Tuestion of who did what or not is secondary, in this respect. What is paramount here is the failure of the State to properly look after and protect the MPs, who have yet to be formally convicted, of course as a matter of procedure, because judging by the countless denials of their applications for bail, was predetermined when the decision to charge and arrest them was taken.

The bare denials and contradictions by His Majesty’s Correctional Services (HMCS) speaks volumes about the apparent conspiracy against the MPs. HMCS started by denying that an assault ever happened and then later claimed the MPs had been the first to attack Correctional officers. Even assuming this to be a fact, should they not have charged the MPs with an offence in the circumstances rather than mete out extra-judiciary punishment? But this is true to form of this iniTuitous government. Instead of arresting and charging protestors for alleged offences during the June 2021 pro-multiparty democracy protests, it opted to licence extra-judiciary killings by its security cluster that left dozens of people dead and perhaps hundreds more maimed and injured. Adding salt to injury, the HMCS proceeded to appoint a six-member panel from among its ranks to investigate the matter. Surely, the perpetrators cannot investigate themselves or their own. This is a waste of time and resources, period. Where is the Commission on Human Rights and Public Administration when needed? Is it leashed at the pleasure of its handlers?

As I see it, the timing of the assaults of the incarcerated MPs and the bombing of the home of Mlungisi Makhanya, President of the People’s United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO), is of interest to say the least. A helicopter earlier spotted hovering over the property then a military issue ordnance found at the scene? It adds to the mystery! then, the country faced a gloomy picture indeed. Government responded by setting up the Swaziland National AIDS Programme. With more than 7 000 people dying each year and thousands getting infected, His Majesty, in 1999, declared HIV/AIDS a national emergency. A Cabinet Committee on HIV and the Crisis and Technical Committee were put in place to provide leadership. In 2003 the CMCT was replaced by the National Response Council on HIV/ AIDS (NERCHA), which was established through an Act of Parliament to facilitate a multisectoral response. The collective multisectoral response, guided by generations of strategic plans to which the community played a key role, has made significant impact in turning the tide.

I take this opportunity to congratulate His Majesty the King, government, all partners, including PEPFAR/USAID, civil society and the nation as a whole that the good news have demonstrated that with effective political leadership, partnership support, the mobilisation and participation of all emaSwati, it is possible to achieve what was in the early 90s a hopeless situation. Credit also goes to emaSwati who were the first to declare their HIV statuses when there was so much fear and stigmatisation of those who were infected with the virus. They are our heroes whose contribution to fighting the HIV stigma galvanised emaSwati to test, access treatment and are part of those who have achieved viral suppression. We also applaud emaSwati for taking the campaign i-bIDS

These good news should serve as a motivation for our government to confront other challenges that threaten our country including the political, social and economic related challenges. If these are not addressed, it may affect the gains made in the HIV/AIDS response. The Sustainable Development Goals and the African Union’s Agenda 63 should inform national development strategies with a focus on not leaving no one behind; nothing is impossible!