‘Useless’: European conservatives refuse to field lead candidate in June’s election
Mared Gwyn Jones
In a press statement on Wednesday, the party said that its decision was based on its long-standing position that the so-called Spitzenkandidaten process is not t for purpose.
It came after the adoption of the party’s electoral manifesto in Strasbourg on Tuesday evening, in a meeting chaired by its president, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, and attended by former Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki.
The Spitzenkandidaten process, which sees each major political party eld a lead candidate to preside over the European Commission, was scuppered in 2019 when Ursula von der Leyen was parachuted to the role despite not campaigning.
It has led many, particularly hard-right conservatives, to pronounce the process as dead.
“In declining to nominate a candidate for the top position, the ECR is sending a strong signal that the party remains true to its line that it was never in favour of the Spitzenkandidat system,” the party’s statement reads.
It adds that von der Leyen’s own party, the centre-right European People’s Party (EPP), advocated for the process before deviating from it, “showing that the whole approach is useless.”
Czech MEP Jan Zahradil, who ran as the ECR's Spitzenkandidat in 2019 and now serves as the group's vice-president, said on X: "I fully endorse the decision not to go for it this time."
"In 2019, the “spitzenkandidat” system failed. Now it is only (a) redundant EP muscle- exing exercise, going beyond Treaties, trying to overplay Council," he added.
But sources from within the party, speaking to Euronews on condition of anonymity, said that the group’s 20 member parties had signi cantly varying views on the move, with some delegations advocating for a lead candidate to spearhead the party’s campaign ahead of June.
The ECR party brings together 20 hard-right, conservative parties from across the bloc, including the likes of Italy’s ruling Fratelli d’Italia, Spain’s Vox and Poland’s Law and Justice (PiS) party.
It is projected to win around 75 seats, seven more than currently, in June’s ballot, buoyed by the popularity of Italy's Fratelli d'Italia, whose leader Giorgia Meloni has forged a close relationship with von der Leyen and earned the respect of Europe's centreright.
The centre-right EPP has not ruled out a potential agreement to cooperate with the ECR in the next legislature. But the EPP's red lines on potential partners mean it would be unlikely to do so if the ECR were to welcome Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party, which is currently without a group in the European Parliament and rumoured to be in talks with the ECR.
Green Deal, migration in focus
In the statement, the party also says that the Green Deal - a package of wide-ranging legislation designed to make Europe the rst climate-neutral continent - "is to be turned on its head"
"The ECR wants to support a more balanced and localised climate strategy that does not forget ordinary people, prioritises socio-economic well-being, and ceases to neglect the concerns of farmers, breeders and shermen, citizens, and businesses," it adds.
The Green Deal has in recent months come under re after a wave of mass protests among European farmers who feel excessive environmental demands are squeezing their pro ts. Political parties have heavily capitalised on their discontent to gain political points ahead of June's ballot.
But despite farmers across the bloc also bemoaning the negative impact of free trade deals on their livelihoods, the ECR also says it will advocate for "better global trade relations with a wide range of partners, and diversi cation to reduce excessive dependencies and strengthen competitiveness."
On migration, seen as one of the party's priorities, it calls for "a comprehensive border security strategy covering all possible points of entry, including air, land, and sea borders."
The party's MEPs predominantly voted in favour of the recent Pact on Migration, narrowly endorsed last month by the parliament, despite rebellion from their Polish members.
The manifesto is also expected to call for reducing Brussels' powers and upholding national sovereignty.
“Our rst objective will be to defend our nations against the attempts to strip them of powers. ‘Do less, do better’ is our mantra," Meloni said during Tuesday's meeting.
Morawiecki said ECR stands for "a Europe that is made up of nations" and rejected a "shift towards a superstate with its capital in Brussels."
start of the accession process to 2008, with the accession process contributing half of this growth, generating 3 million new jobs between 2002 and 2008.
The fears of the time that masses of migrants would move from the new to the old member states because of income disparities were unfounded. Indeed, the cumulative impact of migration on the working-age population in the old member states was limited, standing at 0.37% between 2004 and 2007.
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By contrast, migration had a bigger impact on Ireland when it joined, with an annual increase of 1.25% in its working-age population over the following three years from its 1973 accession. On the downside, the new members recorded a signi cant brain drain, which in turn contributed to deepening regional disparities within the EU.
The energy we need is already there
We all know that the cost of bringing Ukraine and others into the club will be high because they are still poorer and agrarian to some extent, but it has been proven that it would be costlier to keep them out, in terms of economic security.
COVID-19 and the war in Ukraine have demonstrated that the EU needs to rethink its economic resilience and to homeshore and friendshore strategic supply chains, particularly in the context of the green and digital transitions.
REPowerEU, the EU plan launched in response to the global energy market disruption, envisages a ramp-up of European renewable energy production. The Net-Zero Industry Act and the Critical Raw Materials Act call for 40% of green and raw material value chains to be diverted to the EU.
When it comes to natural resources, Ukraine holds the largest gas reserves in Europe, after Norway. The country could contribute signi cantly to the phaseout of oil in electricity production and industry.
EU accession candidates, particularly Ukraine, can play an important role in achieving these goals and in providing greater economic security.
When it comes to natural resources, Ukraine holds the largest gas reserves in Europe, after Norway. The country could contribute signi cantly to the phaseout of oil in electricity production and industry.
The country already produces some of the largest quantities of hydropower in Europe and could increase its production along with other green energy sources such as wind, solar and biomass.
Majority of EU voters in favour of Ukraine joining the EU, exclusive IPSOS/Euronews poll nds Does Europe's long-term peace and security depend on enlargement?
The EU and member states like Germany are considering large-scale investments in Ukrainian green hydrogen production, which can be transmitted through the extensive existing pipelines.
Ukraine has also been a major metal exporter and is home to lithium and rare earth deposits, which are crucial for the green and digital industries.
Agriculture and the single market
At the same time, Ukraine’s agricultural industry is one of the biggest in the world. Its integration into the internal market would substantially increase the EU’s food security.
The EU, whose budget represents only about 1.2% of its members’ combined GDP, or €1.8 trillion over its seven-year budget cycle, would need to overhaul existing policies as newcomers would absorb agricultural and regional cohesion funds.
Current member states, like Poland, which recently blockaded grain imports from Ukraine, would need to see the bigger picture of how economic convergence signi cantly bene ts them.
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The bene ts for Western Balkan countries of increased participation in the single market are also crystal clear.
As an indication, Croatia’s GDP has increased steadily since it joined the EU in 2013, translating into higher incomes for its citizens, with an average increase in per capita GDP of 67% ( from €10,440 in 2013 to more than €17,240).
Finally, Ukraine and other accession candidates boast a welleducated workforce, particularly in the IT sector. Their inclusion in the single market could help alleviate the skills gap in the EU economy, which has increasingly become an obstacle to EU competitiveness, and help accelerate the digital transition.
The road to EU membership for up to nine new countries - including Serbia, Albania, and four others in the Western Balkans, as well as Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia - will be tortuous as the union will also need to reform to make sure its absorption capacity is up to the task.
The business community also needs a clear timeframe and gradual single-market integration.
As business people know all too well, size matters. Involving the private sector will be a crucial step as this enlargement will be too big to fail.
Enrico Letta's recent report was clear on that and called for the creation of an Enlargement Solidarity Facility, equipped with the nancial resources to manage externalities and facilitate a smooth enlargement process.
There is no other alternative: if the EU wants to be a global power, it needs to be a local power rst. This narrative needs to be loud and clear during the European elections.
Stefano Mallia is President of the Employers' Group in the European Economic and Social Committee.
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