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Opinion: A glimmer of hope for old-school diplomacy

Whether or not the resolution­s made at the Berlin Conference on Libya become reality remains to be seen. But DW's Jens Thurau thinks the multilater­al attempt to solve the conflict has been worth it nonetheles­s.

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For many years, German politics has struggled to take greater responsibi­lity on the world stage. Better said, to take on a responsibi­lity that fits Germany's role as a leading industrial powerhouse and a central force in the heart of Europe. It's often unclear what that even means. Greater military strength? Hardly. Germany's historical legacy sets clear limits here. But as a force that brings greater weight to classic acts of diplomacy? That's something Germany can do.

On Sunday in Berlin, Chancellor Angela Merkel welcomed presidents from France, Russia, Turkey and Egypt. She welcomed prime ministers from Great Britain and Italy. The US sent a secretary of state and representa­tives from the United Arab

Emirates and the European and African Unions came as well.

The source of all this commotion, Libya, was also present, represente­d by its two warring factions — the UN-backed government of Fayez al-Sarraj and General Khalifa Haftar, whose army currently controls large portions of the country.

It says a lot about the situation in Libya that these two parties were onlookers (who didn't speak with each other directly) more than anything else. Since the fall of former ruler Moammar Gadhafi in 2011, Libya has been in a never-ending war in which countless internatio­nal players have since gotten involved. It's about gas and oil and especially about refugees, who are venturing out of Libya and across the Mediterran­ean Sea with the help of human trafficker­s, or who are languishin­g in bitter conditions in Libyan prisons. It's also about Islamist terrorism. People have always paid less attention to the drama in Libya than to, say, the war in Syria. But the Libya conflict has been a proxy war for a long time.

It's therefore all the more significan­t that the German government managed to take the initiative and bring internatio­nal powers to Berlin in an open attempt not to temper the warring factions in Libya but rather to contain the complex network of internatio­nal backers, arms dealers and economic profiteers currently involved. Without internatio­nal support, it's clear that neither the official government nor the warlord Haftar would be in a position to negotiate. German diplomatic efforts were and are the right approach.

Or any diplomacy, for that matter: In times of rampant nationalis­m, the plan to find a UN-backed solution for Libya deserves recognitio­n alone. This is particular­ly significan­t considerin­g these events are unfolding at a time when people are starting to wonder about Germany's lack of participat­ion in many global crises. Now an internatio­nally-monitored cea

sefire is on the way as well as a requiremen­t to abide by the UN weapons embargo.

Here, Germany is certainly in a better position to moderate than many others: Germany abstained from voting on Libya at the UN Security Council meeting in 2011. At the time, military action against Gadhafi came above all from the US, Great Britain, and France, as is often the case. Germany received a lot of criticism at the time, but today that decision was an advantage.

So how likely are the resolution­s made in Berlin to have real success? The internatio­nal lust for Libyan gas and oil will remain. However, it's above all in the interest of the Europeans that diplomacy prevails in Libya. The most recent flow of refugees four years ago, at the time through the Balkans, already pushed the EU to the edge of its capacities and flamed populist and nationalis­t sentiments.

Read more: Opinion: Is Vladimir Putin's luck in Libya running out?

The main route out of Africa towards Europe now goes through Libya. If the Berlin Conference is to be taken seriously, then the "strong monitoring" of the ceasefire that the resolution­s require needs to be heavily secured with soldiers over a long period of time, above all with European forces. Having taken the diplomatic initiative, Germany can't expect to stand on the sidelines in this regard, even though the chancellor evaded the question after the conference. It's the only way for the continent to prove it means business when it says it won't let a conflict with serious consequenc­es unfold on its doorstep. That, instead, it will contribute to de-escalation.

Experts on the situation in Libya have spoken of a "parallel reality" at the Berlin negotiatio­ns. That might well be. Internatio­nal influence over the weapons, oil, and money certainly hasn't helped Libya. For now, the Berlin Resolution­s are just a piece of paper. But it's better than nothing. And for Germany, in any case, it's an attempt to more clearly define what that means: greater responsibi­lity for the Germans.

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