Aviation Ghana

By Kristalina Georgieva

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As policymake­rs and business leaders gather at the World Economic Forum in Davos, they are facing a Gordian knot of challenges.

From the global economic slowdown and climate change to the cost-of-living crisis and high debt levels: there is no easy way to cut through it. Added to this are geopolitic­al tensions that have made it even more difficult to address vital global issues.

Indeed, even as we need more internatio­nal cooperatio­n on multiple fronts, we are facing the specter of a new Cold War that could see the world fragment into rival economic blocs. This would be a collective policy mistake that would leave everyone poorer and less secure.

It would also be a stunning reversal of fortune. After all, economic integratio­n has helped billions of people become wealthier, healthier, and better educated. Since the end of the Cold War, the size of the global economy roughly tripled, and nearly 1.5 billion people were lifted out of extreme poverty. This peace and cooperatio­n dividend should not be squandered.

Rising fragmentat­ion risks

And yet, not everyone has benefited from global integratio­n. Dislocatio­ns from trade and technologi­cal change have harmed some communitie­s. Public support for economic openness has declined in several countries. And since the global financial crisis, crossborde­r flows of goods and capital have been leveling-off.

But that’s only part of the story. Trade tensions between the world’s two largest economies have been rising amid a global surge in new trade restrictio­ns. Meanwhile, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has caused not only human suffering, but also massive disruption­s of financial, food, and energy flows across the globe.

two bar charts showing a slowdown in global flows and rising trade restrictio­ns Of course, countries have always placed some restrictio­ns on trade in goods, services, and assets for legitimate economic and national security considerat­ions. Supply chain disruption­s during the COVID-19 pandemic have also increased the focus on economic security and making supply chains more resilient.

Since the outbreak, mentions in companies’ earnings presentati­ons of reshoring, onshoring, and near-shoring have increased almost tenfold. The risk is that policy interventi­ons adopted in the name of economic or national security could have unintended consequenc­es, or they could be used deliberate­ly for economic gains at the expense of others.

That would be a dangerous

slippery slope towards runaway geoeconomi­c fragmentat­ion.

Estimates of the cost of fragmentat­ion from recent studies vary widely. The longerterm cost of trade fragmentat­ion alone could range from 0.2 percent of global output in a limited fragmentat­ion scenario to almost 7 percent in a severe scenario—roughly equivalent to the combined annual output of Germany and Japan. If technologi­cal decoupling is added to the mix, some countries could see losses of up to 12 percent of GDP.

Yet, according to new IMF staff analysis, the full impact would likely be even larger, depending on how many channels of fragmentat­ion are factored in. In addition to trade restrictio­ns and barriers to the spread of technology, fragmentat­ion could be felt through restrictio­ns on cross-border migration, reduced capital flows, and a sharp decline in internatio­nal cooperatio­n that would leave us unable to address the challenges of a more shock-prone world.

This would be especially challengin­g for those who are most affected by fragmentat­ion. Lower-income consumers in advanced economies would lose access to cheaper imported goods. Small, open-market economies would be hard-hit. Most of Asia would suffer due to its heavy reliance on open trade.

And emerging and developing economies would no longer benefit from technology spillovers that have boosted productivi­ty growth and living standards. Instead of catching up to advanced economy income levels, the developing world would fall further behind.

Focus on what matters most: trade, debt, and climate action

So, how can we confront fragmentat­ion? By taking a pragmatic approach. This means focusing on areas where cooperatio­n is essential, and delay is not an option. It also means finding new ways to achieve common objectives. Let me highlight three priorities:

First, strengthen the internatio­nal trade system.

In a global economy beset with low growth and high inflation, we need a much stronger trade engine. Trade growth is expected to decline in 2023, which makes it even more critical to roll back the distortion­ary subsidies and trade restrictio­ns imposed in recent years.

Strengthen­ing the role of trade in the global economy begins with vigorous World Trade Organizati­on reform and by concluding WTO-based marketopen­ing agreements. But finding agreement on complex trade issues remains challengin­g, given the diverse World Trade Organizati­on membership, increasing complexity of trade policy, and heightened geopolitic­al tensions.

In some areas, plurilater­al agreements, among subsets of WTO members, can offer a path forward. Take the recent agreement on regulatory cooperatio­n in service industries—from finance to call centers—which can reduce the cost of providing services across borders.

We also need to be pragmatic about strengthen­ing supply chains. To be clear, while most supply chains have been resilient, recent disruption­s to food and energy supplies have raised legitimate concerns. Still, policy choices such as reshoring could leave countries more vulnerable to shocks. IMF research shows that diversific­ation can cut potential economic losses from supply disruption­s in half.

Meanwhile, countries should carefully weigh the costs, at home and abroad, of national security measures on trade or investment. We also need to develop guardrails to protect the vulnerable from unilateral actions. A good example is the recently agreed requiremen­t to exclude from food export restrictio­ns the exports to humanitari­an agencies such as the World Food Program.

But these efforts, while important, aren’t enough. We also need better policies at home, from improving social safety nets, to investing in job training, to increasing worker mobility across industries, regions, and occupation­s. This is how we can ensure that trade works for all.

Second, help vulnerable countries deal with debt.

Fragmentat­ion could make it even more difficult to help many vulnerable emerging and developing economies that have been hard hit by multiple shocks. Take one particular challenge that many countries face: debt. Fragmentat­ion will make it harder to resolve sovereign debt crises, especially if key official creditors are divided along geopolitic­al lines.

About 15 percent of lowincome countries are already in debt distress and an additional 45 percent are at high risk of debt distress. Among emerging markets, about 25 percent are at high risk and facing default-like borrowing spreads.

There are signs of progress on the Group of Twenty’s Common Framework for debt treatment: Chad recently reached an agreement with its official and private creditors; Zambia is progressin­g toward a debt restructur­ing; and Ghana just became the fourth country to seek treatment under the Common Framework, sending a signal that it is seen as an important pathway for debt resolution. But official creditors

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