Kathimerini English

Commitment to euro not in question

Despite market concerns, political instabilit­y does not entail a change Greek elite’s stance to bloc

- BY DIMITRIS KONTOGIANN­IS

ANALYSIS Greece will haveto rely on a significan­t increase in investment­s and exports of goods and services while pursuing fiscal consolidat­ion to revive its economy and cope with tough labor market conditions. Political risk is bound to play a bigger role than before in this period, however, contrary to convention­al wisdom and the markets’ interpreta­tion, this is unlikely to undermine the country’s future in the eurozone.

Political risk has assumed an even bigger role following the recent decision by the modest Democratic Left party (DIMAR) to withdraw its ministers from the government, leading to a reshuffle. Conservati­ve Prime Minister Antonis Samaras was pragmatic enough to give up his pre-election pledge last year that New Democracy (ND) will never co-govern with center-left PASOK and form a new government with more ministers from its old-time ideologica­l rival. The new administra­tion has a small majority in the 300-seat Parliament as ND and PASOK control 153 seats, but it may also count on a few independen­t deputies on specific issues.

In this context, it was natural for markets to react negatively to the news of the breakdown in the tripartite coalition and re-rate the country’s political risk. The Athens bourse benchmark index fell sharply while yields on the new state bonds rose to new multi-month highs before receding. The index fell close to 800 points from about 1,000 points in early June while the yield of the 10-year bond jumped to 11.6 percent from near 8 percent in mid-May.

Part of the price move in both cases was due to internatio­nal developmen­ts, especially Fed’s tapering of bond purchases later this year, yet the main driver was concerns about political uncertaint­y, leading to policy

party, including left-wing SYRIZA, advocates the country’s exit from the eurozone. This means that any likely coalition government that may arise in the future would not pursue such a course of action. inaction and strains in the country’s relationsh­ip with its internatio­nal creditors that may affect the release of future bailout tranches. Although some of these concerns have eased, doubts about the longevity and effectiven­ess of the new government still linger. The prospect of triple elections – local, for the European parliament and maybe even general elections – in May-June 2014 does not make things easier.

Some think market participan­ts may take a wait-and-see attitude toward the new coalition in the next few weeks and months. They will continue evaluating the situation as they receive more data on Greece’s twin deficits – fiscal and the current account – the performanc­e of real economy in the second quarter, the implementa­tion of the sell-off program and efforts to downsize the public sector.

Undoubtedl­y, OPAP’s privatizat­ion and the signing of the 12-year concession of state lotteries could help boost market sentiment. This would add to the recent good news of the Trans Adriatic Pipeline (TAP) being selected to transport Azeri natural gas to Western Europe via Greece and the privatizat­ion of the gas transmissi­on operator DESFA.

Neverthele­ss, good news is not likely to change the perception of elevated political risk held by the investment community, which constitute­s a significan­t hurdle for productive investment­s at a time when Greece needs them most. It is reminded that investment spending is estimated around 13.2 percent of GDP this year compared to 17.5 percent in 2010 when the country entered the bailout program and 26.7 percent of GDP in 2007. So, the country has a lot of catching up to do with its average – no matter how one calculates it. This could help pull the economy out of recession if combined with some decent export growth and a neutral fiscal stance or at least a less tight one.

In the eyes of many investors, especially abroad, political risk is linked to the country’s euro membership. So, the perceived elevated risk leads to an upward revision of the likelihood, however small, of the infamous Grexit. But many market participan­ts and others may be mistaken in the way that they approach political risk. Although no one denies it exists and may lead to short periods of uncertaint­y and the stifling of some reforms, there are three quantitati­ve elements which have to be taken into account.

First, no mainstream political party, including left-wing SYRIZA, advocates the country’s exit from the eurozone. Ultra-right Golden Dawn and the Communist KKE are the only parties represente­d in Parliament calling for an exit – the position of the rightwing Independen­t Greeks is somewhat ambiguous. This means that any likely coalition that may arise in the future would not pursue this course of action.

Second, there is no political party, movement or personalit­y that has convincing­ly made the case for a better alternativ­e outside the euro. Therefore, popular support for the euro remains strong, albeit weaker than a year ago due to the negative effects on incomes and employment from the protracted recession.

Third, kicking Greece out of the euro is not in the best interest of its eurozone partners, as it would mean the country defaulting and them sustaining huge losses in the loans extended to Greece. Moreover, the indirect cost of potential contagion is hard to estimate, while the damage to the euro project would be irrevocabl­e. Of course, there will always be politician­s and others in core countries like Germany advocating a Grexit, but the costs far exceed the benefits in the eyes of most policymake­rs. This is more so given how close Greece is to delivering a primary surplus and almost balancing its current account deficit while having made progress in structural reforms and regaining most of its competitiv­eness since its euro entry.

Undoubtedl­y, estimates of political risk may vary over time. This is more so in Greece, which lacks a tradition in coalition government­s and is feeling the pinch of austerity, resulting in huge output and employment losses. But periods of increased political uncertaint­y should not be confused with a change in the political elite’s commitment to keep the country in the euro. Changing this perception may prove catalytic for Greece’s efforts to attract productive investment­s and get out of the economic slump.

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