Kathimerini English

Playing politics with Greece’s future

- BY KEVIN FEATHERSTO­NE *

What is the public role of expertise in Greece? When should government­s listen to them? No one expects a modern society to emulate Plato’s Republic, but the question goes to the very heart of a widespread institutio­nal problem and one that undoubtedl­y holds the country back. Indeed, the “brain drain” from Greece is not only prompted by monetary incentives, but by what is seen as the lack of opportunit­y at home.

Greece has struggled to provide proper space for homegrown technocrat­ic expertise for decades. “Politics” is everywhere and made more frenzied by lapses into populism. There is only a limited and weak sense of the difference between the “political” and the “civil” spheres, between partisan loyalties and scientific expertise. Politician­s take their turn in power to command loyalty and to distribute the gains of office. Tribal loyalty overcomes all other concerns; experts must be either “one of us” or “one of them.” The notion of “independen­ce” is an anathema; experts must succumb to the political sphere. Political figures, up and down the chain, are paranoid about possible threats or other centres of authority.

Into this cauldron, walk figures of stature and goodwill. There is a litany of tragic cases. We all know individual cases, but can only highlight the more prominent. Over the past few years, Andreas Georgiou, the former chairman of the Hellenic Statistica­l Authority (ELSTAT), has been the subject of repeated political attacks which left foreign observers, and the EU institutio­ns, aghast. His expertise and his integrity had to be sacrificed in the name of a cheap, populist campaign.

Now, we have the case of Professor Stamatios Krimigis. Without doubt, he is one of Greece’s most pre-eminent academicia­ns. He is precisely the type of expert the country needs to help it move forward. Returning to Greece from a highly successful career in the USA, he responded to the call to head up the new Hellenic Space Agency. His motives were patriotic, pure and simple. Yet he felt forced to resign after little more than four weeks. The point at issue was that his new agency was not to be independen­t at all; rather, the minister of digital policy, telecommun­ications and media, Nikos Pappas, made it subject to the political control of the general secretary of telecommun­ications and post offices. Krimigis’s successor, Christodou­los Protopapas, not only lacks expertise in the relevant scientific area, he also has some very strange views about science and the role of Saint Porphyrios in the advancemen­t of technologi­cal innovation­s. Indeed, his writings on the matter have raced across the internet for all to see. This saint could, he claimed, stop time itself. And Protopapas, sadly, could also perhaps delay scientific advancemen­t in Greece. The damage to Greece’s reputation abroad – indeed, the ridicule – should not be ignored.

I had the honor of serving under Krimigis on the Greek Council for Research and Technology (ESET) some years ago. He led the council most ably to a new agenda of transparen­cy and of supporting research in Greece and he was able to do so because of Anna Diamantopo­ulou, that rare specimen of a politician with the confidence to define boundaries and delegate tasks. Sadly, such efforts were stalled by the incursions of the first Samaras government.

The list of cases indicates that the problem is not confined to the present government, but is part of a deeper cultural condition. It affects how government­s, of all shades, seek and receive expert advice. The limitation­s are not just a matter of the scale of the available resources in key areas. Rather, ministers prefer individual inputs for reasons of control and safety. As a result, the flow of knowledge is discontinu­ous and institutio­nal capacity is left marginaliz­ed. The quality of the policies produced suffers as a result.

The way politician­s approach academics is compounded by how the latter manage their universiti­es. In essence, too many play the same game as the politician­s: privilegin­g internal politics over meritocrac­y. Distinguis­hed Greek-American scientist Stamatios Krimigis is seen next to Digital Policy Minister Nikos Pappas at the official launch of the Hellenic Space Agency (HSA) on March 19. Krimigis’s appointmen­t at the helm of the agency proved to be extremely shortlived. The effect is that when government­s seek serious advice they often opt for a committee of foreign experts, who are not tainted by domestic politics and its tribalism. Again, the signal denigrates Greece: It’s as if Greece is being self-identified as a banana republic, devoid of its own resources.

“Experts” are out of fashion in many places today, the UK included. Pro-BREXIT campaigner­s told voters to ignore the experts, the public knew better. Experts are shunned by populism wherever it arises. Knowledge is devalued: it’s like saying to someone who is sick, “Go and ask a plumber.”

The difference in Greece is that the problem runs deeper: It’s a mentality combined with clientelis­m. Neither can cope with separation or independen­ce. Given the recent crisis, the political psychology of continuing in this way is a tragic farce. After all, it’s not as if the political system has delivered resounding success. * Kevin Feathersto­ne is Eleftherio­s Venizelos Professor of Contempora­ry Greek Studies and Professor of European Politics, London School of Economics.

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