‘Geography requires us to delimitate maritime zones’
You disagree with the partial extension of territorial waters in the Ionian Sea and you proposed an extension of territorial waters for all countries in the Eastern Mediterranean instead. What concerns you about partial expansion?
I would like to avoid the notion that Greece actually agrees with the classical Turkish theory of “special conditions” in the Aegean before the new cycle of contacts even begins. I am not saying that an agreement will be reached with Turkey on the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean without compromises agreed upon or decided by the ICJ. I am not saying that we will ignore international navigation. I am saying that the impression should not be given that Greece is abandoning its main positions before negotiations even begin. For this reason, I disagreed in 2018 with the relevant announcement of the SYRIZA-ANEL government, as did New Democracy at the time.
The Tsipras government did not move forward. I am now reading comments saying, “Finally, a realistic move on part of the Greek government, it recognizes that there are special conditions in the Aegean.” I do not think this is the government’s position. I am waiting for the draft law and I hope my comments will help clarify the handling and overall national strategy. After all, the crucial field now is not the Ionian of course, not even the Aegean, but the Eastern Mediterranean Sea.
My position is that Greece should propose to all the countries of the Eastern Mediterranean that do not have their territorial waters at 12 nm to extend their territorial sea. In practice, this concerns Greece and Turkey. I noted that on Wednesday, after the statement I made on the prime minister’s announcement on the Ionian, Mr Nikos Dendias said in the Parliament that the extension south of Crete is also being considered.
If the government considers that our overall strategy is now enhanced by a move not of partial, but of gradual extension of territorial waters to 12 nm, it could have said that Greece will expand its territorial waters in any areas where the continental shelf and the EEZ – or at least the EEZ – have already been delimitated. Thus, we would have an area in the Ionian and an area in the Eastern Mediterranean that are delimitated using a single criterion.
Some say that the real problem lies in the fact that Greece will never be able to accept that the single area of Greece-Cyprus is interrupted due to the possibility that the International Court of Justice will decide on the re
duced effect of Kastellorizo on the continental shelf. What is your view on this?
The single national area of Greece-Cyprus is a different matter from the single defense area of Greece-Cyprus. Another different matter is the delimitation of the continental shelf and EEZ between Greece and Cyprus without taking into account the positions of other countries in the region, such as Egypt and Turkey. Greece has formally stated, by signing the partial delimitation of the EEZ with Egypt west of the 27th and 59th meridian, that it takes into account the other countries in the region that are claiming rights and raising the issue of delimitation east of this meridian. In other words, Greece took into account the sensitivities of Egypt, which respectively apparently took into account the Turkish claims and based the extension of the delimitation line east of the 28th meridian on the delimitation with third countries and the creation of tri-national points.
If it is hypothetically agreed with Turkey or ruled by the ICJ in a binding manner for the parties, that the Kastellorizo complex and in particular Strongyli has a full effect of 200 nm and the Turkish mainland coastline is not taken into account at all, then there is a connection of the Greek and Cypriot EEZs. Without an agreement with Turkey or without an ICJ decision, the delimitation and in particular the exploitation of these zones will be practically impossible, due to the constant military tension that will affect not only Greece, but also Cyprus, with all that this means for the situation on the island, the solution of the Cyprus issue and the exploitation of the Cypriot EEZ, which is delimitated with Egypt, Lebanon and Israel.
Public opinion considers that a) Greece can expand territorial waters everywhere and b) that all islands have a continental shelf with full effect (up to 200 miles). Anything less will be perceived as a “retreat.” Many argue that no prime minister can sign an agreement that leaves Greece even with a fraction less of the territory that was delivered by Eleftherios Venizelos. Consequently, inactivity is the only possible policy. What is your view on this?
I am totally against inactivity, but also against nervous actions without strategy, without preparing not only the next, but also the last movement. In his time, Eleftherios Venizelos did not deal with concepts such as the EEZ. On the occasion of the ratification of the Greco-Italian agreement on the delimitation of the continental shelf, the government of Konstantinos Karamanlis stated in 1977 to the International Court of Justice in The Hague, that was pursuing Greece’s appeal against Turkey (which was rejected for lack of jurisdiction), that the continental shelf does not constitute “territory” and does not concern the boundaries of the country’s territory. That is why the relevant agreements – as is the case now with Italy and Egypt – are ratified by a simple majority under Article 28 (1) and not by an qualified majority under Article 27 of the Constitution.
For the extension of territorial waters to 12 nm, and for the full effect of all the islands, I previously replied based on the recent Greek practice of partial extension of territorial waters in the Ionian Sea and partial delimitation of the EEZ with Egypt and on the basis of the findings of international case law.
I totally agree with you that the general public is accustomed to easy generalities. They are just as easily excited and frustrated. Many speak irresponsibly, without knowledge and awareness. Unfortunately, this situation has worsened in recent months. In fact, the notion has been cultivated that while we have the right to use military force, we do not have the courage to make the decisive move. However, the right to use or threaten to use military force is recognized by International Law in extremely rare and extraordinary situations. Turkey is the one that declares casus belli and we have been denouncing them for decades internationally.
We have demonstrated the strength and readiness of our armed forces. Everyone knows that Greece is strongly defending its existence. Historically however, in the last 46 years, “hot” or almost “hot” incidents have not led to abandonment, but to a resurgence and a widening of the list of unilateral and unlawful Turkish claims and challenges. They then led to long moratoria, mediations, contacts under pressure, usually problematic communiqués and ultimately a dramatic loss of historical time. Greece must not bear the heavy burden of the uncertain relations between the West and Turkey.
Whatever the developments in Turkey, geography requires us to delimitate maritime zones with them, in line with the procedures of international law, since in a different case sovereign rights become inactive.
‘I would like to avoid the notion that Greece actually agrees with the classical Turkish theory of “special conditions” in the Aegean’