Kathimerini English

China sees Ukraine and thinks of Taiwan

Former US diplomat Susan Thornton tells Kathimerin­i Beijing is watching developmen­ts in embattled East European country very carefully

- BY EURYDICE BERSI Kathimerin­i

For two years, in 2016-18, Susan Thornton was the acting US assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs. Today she a senior fellow at Yale University Law School’s Paul Tsai China Center.

In Delphi earlier this month, she had a revealing conversati­on with Kathimerin­i about the urgent need for nuance in foreign policy, explaining that the current state of US-China relations is keeping her up at night.

– It looks as if the US has made a strategic decision to stop the rise of China.

I wouldn’t say that it’s necessaril­y been that clear. Now we have this dual containmen­t policy, de facto, to contain both Russia and China. Certainly the “contain China” strategy started under Trump, with the national security strategy that he issued. But Trump’s foreign policy was not very consistent. Trump had his own ideas and people who wrote the national security strategy had their own ideas. With Biden coming in, you see a real chance to consolidat­e this into something that is understand­able. And what they have decided is the containmen­t of China strategy. So now I think it is a deliberate strategy, even though we say, when we talk to the Chinese, that we are not pursuing that containmen­t strategy. And when we talk to lots of other countries we say, “We’re not asking you to choose,” but nobody believes us.

– So what is this strategy about? It does have risks, doesn’t it?

Yes, it has serious, huge risks. The one that keeps me up at night is the Taiwan risk. Our speaker of the house, Nancy Pelosi, is taking a delegation to Taiwan imminently; that will be a huge provocatio­n. And she’s a Democrat, so it’s not like you can blame it on the opposition. You can say Congress is a separate branch of government.

– Could President Biden have stopped it if he wanted?

Certainly that’s how the Chinese will view it. And you know, if he can’t have stopped it, then what does that say about Biden and his leadership? [Note: The high-level congressio­nal delegation did visit Taiwan a few days after this conversati­on, but Pelosi, who

had tested positive for Covid, stayed back in Washington, DC.]

– Could there be a balance? Give me the positive reading of this policy.

There’s overfocus on the military instrument because we have a problem in the US now with trade policy; we can’t really talk about trade policy and trade expansion because there’s a backlash against trade in the US domestical­ly. I think the positive could be that we are deterring China from adventuris­m or aggressive­ness. That would be the read about the purpose of all these arrangemen­ts, the AUKUS [trilateral security pact between Australia,

the UK and the US], the Quad [strategic security dialogue between Australia, India, Japan and the US], the Indo-Pacific Strategy. The problem is if you only pursue deterrence and you also at the same time do not reassure about your intentions, the other side may misread the situation. We pursued deterrence and reassuranc­e in the Cold War with the Soviet Union, there was mutually assured destructio­n in the nuclear area, but we were also discussing things with them, like arms control. They knew that we didn’t want to take them on militarily, that we were going to stop short of the ultimate conflict with them.

So you can have that kind of reassuranc­e, even though it doesn’t sound like much. With the Chinese right now, we don’t seem to find any reassuranc­e. You saw this in the Biden-Xi phone calls, where the Chinese are continuall­y asking: “Are we still doing this policy of peaceful coexistenc­e? Are we going to find a way to avoid war? Are we going to find a way to coexist with each other in this internatio­nal system, on this planet, without having a conflict?” The answer comes from the US “yes,” and when you look at what we are doing it looks different than that, to the Chinese at least. They don’t hear any reassuranc­e. President Biden says we don’t support Taiwan’s independen­ce, but then a congressio­nal delegation is going there and ships are going through the Taiwan Strait, there are big exercises in the region. And without diplomatic channels of communicat­ion being open, where we are explaining to them what we are doing, and telling them that it is not meant to be aggressive or provocativ­e, it is very difficult for them to handle.

– Aren’t the channels of communicat­ion open?

I don’t think that we have very much conversati­on going on on a dayto-day basis with the Chinese. We had recently the visit of the special envoy for North Korea to the US, the video meeting between Biden and Xi, and we also had [National Security Adviser] Jake Sullivan meet with his counterpar­t in Rome. Those are three things that have happened recently. I hope there is an indication that there will be more channels and more communicat­ion, more diplomacy. But the relationsh­ip is so complicate­d. You can’t think of an issue in the world on which the US and China don’t have major interests and where they wouldn’t benefit from some kind of coordinati­on. That hasn’t been happening. The overfocus on the conflict and the contestati­on and the absence of any attention to some kind of collaborat­ion is going to drive the narrative into a continuall­y negative direction. And you see that happening already, these narratives that each country has of the other are caricature­s. One-dimensiona­l, very negative, and that has its own dynamic.

– What are the real issues in your view?

I think that we shouldn’t be lacking in confidence in our system, our democracy or the competitiv­eness of our economy, but we must do some serious domestic reforms and they don’t have much to do with China at all. I’m not really worried about China as a major competitor, as far as their system goes, maybe because I know a lot about China. Again, the focus on the competitio­n is misplaced. It’s going to prevent us from doing the work that needs to be done at home and to allocate the resources we need to be allocating to tackle these problems.

– And what is it that’s keeping you awake at night? How could this competitio­n go off the rails?

I really do think Taiwan is THE issue. The Chinese have been warning. One of the reasons why this issue with Ukraine is so neuralgic is because the Chinese have been in their media portraying it as the fault of NATO and the West that Russia invaded Ukraine. This is completely absurd οn the face of it. What they see is Russia has been complainin­g about our disrespect or ignoring their security and they keep talking about it and we keep ignoring it. They see the exact mirror image happening in the Pacific, where they have been saying ever since Tsai Ingwen was elected in 2016, “Be careful. Be careful. This is a problem. Stop doing that,” and we just keep ignoring them and pushing forward in their view. And so they see an exact parallel; it’s very dangerous. I don’t think the Chinese want to make a military move on Taiwan, I don’t think that’s their preferred scenario and I don’t think they want to do it now for sure, but they will be forced to respond to something we do, if they think it crosses a line.

‘I think the positive could be that we are deterring China from adventuris­m or aggressive­ness’

 ?? ?? Susan Thornton (r), senior fellow at Yale University Law School’s Paul Tsai China Center, and Cheng Li, director of the John L. Thornton China Center and a senior fellow in the Foreign Policy program at Brookings, at the 7th Delphi Economic Forum on April 7.
Susan Thornton (r), senior fellow at Yale University Law School’s Paul Tsai China Center, and Cheng Li, director of the John L. Thornton China Center and a senior fellow in the Foreign Policy program at Brookings, at the 7th Delphi Economic Forum on April 7.

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