Kathimerini English

The EU needs to react today, but must look ahead to the next day, too

- BY GEORGE PAGOULATOS * * George Pagoulatos is a professor at the Athens University of Economics and Business, a visiting professor at the College of Europe, and director general of the Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP).

What responsibi­lity does the European Union have to intervene in a war it didn’t cause, involving a country beyond its political borders? The same responsibi­lity an adult has when they witness a child being beaten up by the neighborho­od bully. Interventi­on is a moral duty; indeed, there is even a legal responsibi­lity to protect. Europe’s values will be null and void (its credibilit­y, too) if the EU fails to do everything in its power (short of military engagement) to disarm the Russian bully and protect his Ukrainian victims.

It is perhaps the most significan­t conflict in Europe since World War II. Sure, we had Yugoslavia and the war crimes committed there, but that conflict did not involve a massive military invasion of a sovereign nation. In Greece, when we talk about Yugoslavia, we think of NATO’s bombing of Belgrade in retaliatio­n for the Milosevic regime’s ethnic cleansing of Kosovo’s Albanian population. We convenient­ly forget the genocide of the Bosnian Muslims, the martyrdom of Sarajevo, the murderous Arkan the Greek media treated as a hero. Our recollecti­on is prone to selective amnesia. Ukraine is the most significan­t conflict in Europe since 1945, also because a nuclear superpower is involved; a Russia that is unhinged, not tightly coordinate­d like the USSR during the Cold War. The Soviet Politburo, old Communists, conservati­ve risk-averse people, acted as a filter and a brake on the Soviet leadership of the day. Now, an authoritar­ian leader takes the decisions alone, has slipped off the safety catch, and is convening with Russia’s age-old destiny. All of which couldn’t be more dangerous.

It is a clash between systems: Western rule of law versus revisionis­t nationalis­m. The Putin regime has worked its way through the whole totalitari­an playbook. Starting with the false narrative of a nonexisten­t Ukrainian nation ruled, supposedly, by Nazis – even though the Ukrainian far-right won less than 3% of the vote in 2019 and failed to get into Parliament; even though farright attacks on minorities are more widespread in Putin’s Russia than in

Ukraine. “Denazifica­tion” is Russia’s alibi for the mass liquidatio­n of “Nazi scum.” The totalitari­anism playbook also includes everything from sending off unsuspecti­ng 18-yearold conscripts to kill and be killed, through to the brutal repression of all domestic protest and crude Orwellian propaganda. A footnote on the last point: Russian television presented the butchery in Bucha as the work of the Americans, linking it to Biden having called Putin a butcher in order to “prove” the massacre was staged by NATO. And the propaganda is working. According to polls that are considered reliable, Putin’s approval rating in Russia is at 80%. It remains to be seen how long this will last.

So this is indeed a confrontat­ion of two worlds, two systems, and it is clear which system we belong to and why we stand with the West. But let there be no doubt: Come the next day, the two systems must be able to talk to each other again. The channels of communicat­ion must remain open, as they remained open throughout the Cold War. Especially given the closed and highly personaliz­ed power system which Putin has erected around himself.

Europe will have to take the lead if it is to ensure a stable back yard for itself when the conflict is at an end. America provides the umbrella protecting Europe against a nuclear

foe, but it’s up to Europe to prepare for the next day when that comes, and help stabilize the broader European neighborho­od. Why? Because it’s Europe’s concern. America is Europe’s closest ally, its defender and nuclear shield, but it is Europe that has had to deal with crisis after crisis within and on its borders: First, the waves of desperate refugees from the Middle East, Iraq and Afghanista­n, Syria and Libya, from the conflicts in Africa, washing up on Europe’s shores in their millions. Then ISIS, whose terrorism hit Europe hard. Now Ukraine, whose uprooted people are heading for Europe’s borders. What’s more, the energy and economic crisis is primarily impacting Europe, and the food crisis that is about to hit Africa will make itself felt in Europe, too, in the conflicts it will trigger and the new waves of migrants it will unleash.

So Europe does right to act in accordance with its values, helping Ukraine defend itself. But it cannot afford to ignore the consequenc­es. And it would be irresponsi­ble to fail to prepare for the next day, whenever that should come.

 ?? ?? Internally displaced Ukrainians from the country’s east line up to receive food donations at the Church of Saint Joseph in Dnipro, amid the Russia invasion on Tuesday.
Internally displaced Ukrainians from the country’s east line up to receive food donations at the Church of Saint Joseph in Dnipro, amid the Russia invasion on Tuesday.

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