Kathimerini English

How meritocrac­y reinforces inequality

Renowned Harvard political philosophe­r Michael Sandel talks to Kathimerin­i about challengin­g establishe­d norms and convention­al wisdom

- BY PAVLOS PAPADOPOUL­OS

We normally have unexamined certaintie­s to guide us through daily life. But few people are so gifted at shaking those certaintie­s than Michael Sandel. The Harvard political philosophe­r is approached almost like a rock star – albeit one who speaks with humility, kindness and clarity in packed amphitheat­ers across the world. He is also no stranger to global media, including BBC Radio 4, on which he has repeatedly taken part in debates centered around questions about what is right and wrong.

Professor Sandel, whose signature Harvard course, titled “Justice,” is attended by thousands of students each year, is a prolific writer who constantly challenges establishe­d norms and convention­al wisdom regarding social life and modern politics. US President Joe Biden and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz are avid readers of his books and their political manifestos have been influenced by his thoughts.

His latest book, “The Tyranny of Merit,” has just been published in Greece by Polis Editions, in a translatio­n by Michalis Mitsos. Is our progress in life solely our own achievemen­t or failure? Do we deserve all credit (and all the money) for our success? If we fail, do we only have ourselves to blame? And where does politics stand in answering these questions? Professor Sandel talked to Kathimerin­i about the moral issues raised in his books as well as the most pressing issue of our time, which is the war in Ukraine and its many repercussi­ons.

– I greatly appreciate your academic contributi­on and your participat­ion in global public dialogue, but I can’t get one thing regarding your latest book. Why aren’t merit and meritocrac­y good? You have personally excelled in our meritocrat­ic society. How can we say that a system which produced a prominent professor like yourself is so flawed?

I plead guilty to being a beneficiar­y of the meritocrat­ic system that I criticize. But seeing it from the inside enables me to notice certain flaws. First, we fail to live up to the meritocrat­ic ideals we profess. But there are also flaws in the underlying ethic, in the ideal itself. And among these flaws are the attitudes towards success that the winners have embraced. The self-congratula­tory attitudes towards success that we see all around us. I call it meritocrat­ic hubris. The belief among the winners that their success is their own doing and that they therefore deserve all the benefits that flow from it. These attitudes prevent us from adequately addressing the deepening inequaliti­es that the last four decades have brought.

– Why is not fair that soccer player Lionel Messi earns so much more than a nurse?

Messi is lucky to have great athletic talents. He also practices hard and that’s admirable. But much of his success is due to the luck of being a gifted athlete. He is also lucky in the sense that he lives in a society where everybody loves football. If he had lived in the days of the Renaissanc­e, or in the days of Aristotle, he might have been just as gifted but with no earning power. There are two concepts of meritocrac­y. First, we can see it as a system providing incentives and rewards to cultivate talent. This is correct and healthy. The second concept is the idea that someone deserves all his winnings despite it being evident that much of them are due to the luck of having been born in a certain society at a certain time. This leads to meritocrat­ic hubris and this is what I attack in my book.

– Could we say that meritocrac­y is a narrative designed to morally

justify inequality?

It is certainly what it has become today in practice. Meritocrac­y can be understood as an alternativ­e to a feudal aristocrac­y, hereditary privilege, nepotism, and corruption in the allocation of offices and social positions. Then of course meritocrac­y is liberating. All the above has made meritocrac­y seem like a friend of equality. But today meritocrac­y has become a justificat­ion of inequality. There’s also an implicit insult in meritocrat­ic messages.

– What do you mean?

Bill Clinton said that what you earn will depend on what you learn. Barack Obama said that “you can make it if you try.” This approach seems inspiring. It offers individual upward mobility as a solution to inequality. But it is also a way to avoid structural reforms over how globalizat­ion works. In addition, there’s an insult implicit in this seemingly inspiring message. The insult is this: If you didn’t get a university degree, your failure must be your fault, not the fault of the structure of the economy. This is the source of the grievances that have prompted the backlash against elites and mainstream political parties.

– What could realistica­lly replace meritocrac­y then? Can we trust the state to measure merits and rewards more than the market?

We, as democratic citizens, have to reclaim from markets the responsibi­lity of deliberati­ng about what counts as a valuable contributi­on to the common good. We should answer the question of what contributi­ons to society should be honored and recognized and rewarded the most. That’s a question about values that should be debated and deliberate­d by democratic citizens, not decided by markets.

– Do you fear the markets more than the state?

Both markets and states are systems of power. And therefore we need to be skeptical of both. This skepticism should be accompanie­d with a certain fear and recognitio­n of the risks of the abuse of power of both the markets and the state.

– If we seek more justice, do we risk ending up with less freedom?

Freedom is always at risk in politics – and is at risk, most obviously, with authoritar­ian politics. But freedom is also at risk when in the name of a kind of neutrality we outsource our moral judgments to markets. Because it enables economical­ly, powerful interests, and technocrat­s too, to replace the role of the democratic citizens.

‘There are flaws in the ideal itself. And among these flaws are the attitudes towards success that the winners have embraced’ ‘We have to reclaim from markets the responsibi­lity of deliberati­ng about what counts as a valuable contributi­on to the common good’

Civic freedom

– Do you think that social democracy could address inequality better than market-based meritocrac­y?

Social democracy can be one preferable alternativ­e to a market-based meritocrac­y. That’s because social democracy by definition insists on the mutual obligation­s of citizens. It challenges the kind of meritocrac­y that encourages people to assume that they are self-made and self-sufficient and, therefore, don’t owe anything to their fellow citizens. But there are other alternativ­es that emphasize the dignity of work and honor and recognize the contributi­ons of everyone in society, regardless of their elite credential­s. We can go back to the civic conception of freedom. Any politics that emphasizes the civic dimension of freedom and the importance of participat­ing in shaping the forces that govern our collective lives as democratic citizens is an alternativ­e to a market-based meritocrac­y.

 ?? ?? Michael Sandel speaks to a packed house in Cartagena, Colombia, in a file photo. The Harvard professor has taught a course of justice for more than two decades that is among the university’s most popular.
Michael Sandel speaks to a packed house in Cartagena, Colombia, in a file photo. The Harvard professor has taught a course of justice for more than two decades that is among the university’s most popular.

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