Stabroek News Sunday

PPP made similar demands of GECOM in 2015 that it now refuses to vote in favour of

- Dear Editor, Sincerely, Sherwood Lowe

Clement J. Rohee’s letter, which appeared in both SN and KN under the title “APNU+AFC’s demands should be considered dead in the water”, omitted critical facts and thus rendered it blinkered and hypocritic­al. His assertions merely repeated those of his party and its flatterers in the private sector. The APNU+AFC demands to which Rohee referred are the call for a clean voters list (that is, one cleansed of the over 200,000 names of persons who either died locally/abroad or have permanentl­y migrated), the use of biometrics while voting (to eliminate voter impersonat­ion by confirming that a voter is who he/she says he/she is), and that the Chair of GECOM must resign (in light of her outright refusal to even appear impartial—let alone, to actually so act—and to work towards raising GECOM’s organizati­onal efficiency and public trust). Clement J. Rohee intentiona­lly omitted the following facts.

FIRST, the public would be aware by now that it was Mr. Rohee’s party, the PPP, after its defeat in 2015 that first loudly demanded a clean list, biometrics, and a new GECOM chair. By now, most interested citizens would have read the SN report (“PPP wants fresh voters list among other electoral reforms” – SN 2015/10/06) to satisfy themselves of the PPP’s hypocrisy on this matter. Of course, the PPP’s call for the GECOM Chair “to go” was directed to then Chairman Dr. Steve Surujbally. Moreover, the PPP had formally agreed within GECOM for periodic H2H registrati­on. As such, it endorsed the budgeting by Finance Minister Jordan of GYD$3 billion for the next round of house-to-house registrati­on.

Of course, with the passage of the No Confidence Motion (NCM), the PPP shifted gears and dropped its demands. Rushing elections became its priority. But even if one understood its post-NCM haste in 2018 for new elections, those elections have been held. We have reverted to the normal 5-year election cycle. What then has happened to the PPP’s pre-2018 demands for a new list and biometrics? Why has it changed its mind, spewing self-righteousn­ess?

SECOND, Rohee and his party continue to duck the inconvenie­nt truth that the major Election Observer Missions at our 2020 election (CARICOM, the OAS, the Carter Centre, and the EU) have each separately called for a new voter registry and/or a total revision of Guyana’s voter registrati­on laws. The CARICOM Observers, for instance, emphasized “the urgent need for the total re-registrati­on of all voters in Guyana.” And, in case, we didn’t get that, they added “It therefore behoves the Commission to create a new voter registry especially given the suspicion that the 2020 register was bloated, a suspicion which is not without merit.” The OAS, in turn, advocated that GECOM should undertake “a House-to-House registrati­on exercise at the earliest opportunit­y upon completion of the election and periodical­ly thereafter.” The EU team spoke of the “clear limitation­s in the ability of the existing continuous registrati­on system to maintain an up-to-date, accurate register.” The PPP and its small special interests are the last remaining objectors to a clean voters list.

THIRD, the Chief Justice’s ruling in August 2019 that the National Register of Registrant­s Database could not be dumped to accommodat­e fresh house-to-house registrati­on is a surmountab­le legal hurdle. The required constituti­onal and statutory amendments could be made as was done several times in our recent history. For instance, many would recall that in 1990, then President Desmond Hoyte agreed to postpone elections to facilitate constituti­onal and other amendments which saw the enactment of the Carter formula (as Article 161 of the constituti­on) and, for the first time, counting at the place of poll. With good faith, the political parties can agree and pass the necessary amendments to facilitate credible elections that can reflect the democratic will of the people and win their confidence.

FOUR, not many persons know (or, in some cases, dare to know) that of the several thousands of names APNU+AFC submitted to GECOM as persons for whom votes were cast although they were out of the jurisdicti­on on election day, over 75% has been confirmed by the Chief Immigratio­n Officer. What does this mean? It proves voter impersonat­ion on a scale that calls the credibilit­y of the 2020 election results into question. On receipt of this informatio­n from Immigratio­n, one would have expected GECOM to order—to use an analogy from commercial aviation—the emergency grounding of all flights to review the entire situation. Nothing of the sort occurred. Instead, it seems that the Chair of GECOM discontinu­ed sending the other APNU+AFC submission­s for verificati­on and aborted the investigat­ion. Meanwhile, Rohee’s PPP was issuing all sorts of threats to challenge in court any probe into voter impersonat­ion.

The evidence therefore is starkly before us that a 200,000-strong bloated list is not just a potential threat to electoral integrity. It has already been exploited for electoral gain. If the PPP has nothing to hide, as it claimed, then it should vote to allow GECOM to complete the verificati­on and investigat­ion of voter impersonat­ion of both migrants and the dead. It should then agree to a clean list and biometrics should the findings turn out to be significan­t as the indication­s are.

FIVE, in light all the systemic, administra­tive, legal, technologi­cal, and operationa­l problems exposed during the 2020 recount, how could the GECOM chair continue to believe that she must do nothing other than helplessly sit in a runaway train speeding towards an impending election fiasco? Is she fit for purpose is a very appropriat­e question?

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