Stabroek News Sunday

The President, not the Judicial Service Commission, has the sole responsibi­lity for the appointmen­t of the Chancellor and Chief Justice

- This column is reproduced with permission from Ralph Ramkarran’s blog, www.conversati­ontree.gy

Article 127(1) of the Constituti­on provides as follows: “The Chancellor and Chief Justice shall each be appointed by the President, acting after obtaining the agreement of the Leader of the Opposition.” Article 128(1) underlines the power of appointmen­t given to the President. It provides: “The Judges, other than the Chancellor and Chief Justice, shall be appointed by the President who shall act in accordance with the advice of the Judicial Service Commission.”

In answer to a question one and a half weeks ago on the delay in the appointmen­t of a Chancellor and Chief Justice, President Ali cited the absence of a Judicial Service Commission (“JSC”). He suggested that the appointmen­t of a JSC has to await the appointmen­t of a Public Service Commission because the chair of the latter is an ex-officio member of the former.

President Ali appeared at that time to be of the view that it is the JSC that recommends the persons to be appointed to the positions of Chancellor and Chief Justice and that in the absence of the JSC such recommenda­tions cannot be made. Earlier this week, 19 September, in an interview with SN, the President linked the appointmen­ts to the establishm­ent of the JSC (“We don’t have a JSC as yet”), as if the JSC has something to do with the appointmen­ts, but did not specifical­ly say that the recommenda­tions were to be made by the JSC. The President said that at the “appropriat­e time” the appointmen­ts will be “sorted out.”

If President Ali’s understand­ing of the constituti­onal provisions relating to the appointmen­t of a Chancellor and Chief Justice, is that they have to be recommende­d by the JSC, or that there is a linkage between the existence of the JSC and the appointmen­ts, the view is misconceiv­ed. Based on the constituti­onal provision cited above, the President needs only to identify the persons, obtain the agreement of the Leader of the Opposition and make the appointmen­ts. If the nominees are the current acting incumbents, the only requiremen­t would be for the President to issue the necessary instrument­s and swear in the appointees because the Leader of the Opposition has already publicly agreed.

Articles 124 and 125 of the Constituti­on provide for the functions of the offices of Chancellor and Chief Justice as follows: “124. The Judges of the Court of Appeal shall be the Chancellor, who shall be the President of the Court of Appeal, the Chief Justice and such number of Justices of Appeal as may be prescribed by Parliament. 125. The Judges of the High Court shall be the Chief Justice and such number Puisne Judges as may be prescribed by Parliament.”

Sub-article (2) of article 127 provides for what are called acting appointmen­ts of a Chancellor and Chief Justice if there is a vacancy and for other reasons. In relation to a vacancy, it provides that: “If the office of Chancellor or Chief Justice is vacant…until a person has been appointed to and has assumed the functions of such office…those functions shall be performed by such other of the Judges as shall be appointed by the President after meaningful consultati­on with the Leader of the Opposition.”

The words “if the office…is vacant” means “in the event that.” It signifies a “contingenc­y.” It does not contemplat­e a situation that has been deliberate­ly created or is being unduly and deliberate­ly perpetuate­d. Due not to the fault of President Ali, or of the PPP/C Government­s, the positions have been left vacant because of PNC recalcitra­nce. It had refused to consent to the appointmen­t of Chancellor (ag) Carl Singh and Chief Justice (ag) Ian Chang for over 17 years. President Granger did not make the appointmen­ts during 2015-2020. President Ali is now faced with a situation not of his making.

When the current incumbents were appointed in acting positions by President Granger it may have been intended as contingenc­ies, until substantiv­e

appointmen­ts were made. However, substantiv­e appointmen­ts were not made, and the acting appointmen­ts have now gone beyond the contingent and have transition­ed into a degree of permanence that is not contemplat­ed by the Constituti­on. The President is now required to fulfil his constituti­onal responsibi­lity, which he does not have the luxury of declining for any reason, including nonurgency.

In his interview with SN on the 19th, the President said that there is an acting Chancellor and an acting Chief Justice in place and since the judiciary is functionin­g there is no urgency to make the appointmen­ts. There is an urgency. The positions of Chancellor and Chief Justice have been vacant for more than seventeen years. The lack of alacrity or sense of urgency to fill constituti­onally mandated posts which have been vacant for so long cannot withstand constituti­onal scrutiny.

The judiciary, along with the executive and the legislatur­e, is one of the three branches of government. The other two branches, the executive and the legislatur­e, will not be treated with anything near to the scant disregard and constituti­onal impropriet­y that the judiciary is being treated. If the President is hoping that delay will somehow reduce focus on the appointmen­ts, or make the issue disappear, or that different candidates will materializ­e, he is being unrealisti­c.

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