Why Haiti matters: A summary of resistance, tragedy, and foreign intervention
Haiti is marked today in the regional imagination by notions, images and stigmas of poverty, violence, tragedy, political chaos, gang control, and disastrous foreign interventions, but these perceptions, while generally true, only scratch the surface of a nation with a rich and complex history. Beyond the headlines and stereotypes lies a country of profound cultural depth, resilience, and an intricate chronicle of struggle against overwhelming odds.
The international community’s role in Haiti has been a double-edged sword, with interventions often criticised for undermining Haitian sovereignty and failing to produce long-term solutions.
In it all, Haiti’s perennial presence (and avoidance) in regional and global discourse is largely attributed to the relentless interference by Western powers, from the 1600s to the modern era.
The questions then arise: why do we not know more of this small country with such a powerful and significant association with the destruction of racial slavery in the Americas? What are the roots of the current historical crisis that places Haiti, much like the dire situations in other regions such as the horrors perpetrated by the Israeli state and military in Gaza, so prominently in the news?
Here are a few summarised ‘snapshots’ of the trail that leads to Haiti’s current position in the news cycle.
Historian Patrick Bellegarde-Smith provides a blunt snapshot of Haiti’s prerevolution colonial economy in slavery that made the country so significant in the global economy: “In Saint-Domingue, sugar, coffee, cotton, indigo, and cocoa were cultivated across 8,500 plantations spanning approximately 500,000 hectares (203,000 acres) and necessitated the operation of 700 ships. In 1789, about 4,100 ships were documented departing from and arriving at the colony’s ports.”
The Haitian Revolution (1791-1804) was a seismic event that turned the established world order on its head after the formerly enslaved defeated at least three main European armies inclusive of Napoleon’s French army. This revolution, deemed “unthinkable” for the time by late Haitian intellectual Miche-Rolph Trouillot, signalled the birth of the first successful slave revolt in history and the first independent black republic in the Americas.
Refuge for enslaved
In the 1820s Haiti opened up its shores (largely based on the Dessalines constitution) to enslaved and freed Africans anywhere in the Caribbean and the Americas. Thirteen thousand African Americans emigrated to the island in that decade. Haiti also gave arms to Simon Bolivar (who visited Haiti) in his fight for independence from the Spanish with the proviso that he end slavery if successful.
1825 French Gunboats extrac ransom from Haiti
In 1825 French gunboats arrived on the island and essentially demanded that Haiti pay for its revolution that displaced the French and other European powers. According to the New York Times, this
became known as “Haiti’s ‘double debt’ — the ransom and the loan to pay it.”
The New York Times “found that Haitians paid about $560 million in today’s dollars. But that doesn’t nearly capture the true loss. If that money had simply stayed in the Haitian economy and grown at the nation’s actual pace over the last two centuries — rather than being shipped off to France, without any goods or services being provided in return — it would have added a staggering $21 billion to Haiti over time, even accounting for its notorious corruption and waste.”
In a bold move while he was in office that harked back to the historical injustices suffered by Haiti, President Bertrand Aristide hired an American lawyer to advance the cause for reparations from France, for the crippling debt imposed on Haiti by French warships in 1825 as compensation for the loss of French enslaved and land following the Haitian Revolution. The campaign, supported with “television ads, street banners and a legal team putting together the elements of an international lawsuit” was short-lived. The French government responded by “assembling a public commission to study relations between the two countries, but quietly instructed it ‘not to say a word in favour of restitution.”
Further in the 19th century Haiti’s integration into the global economic sphere deepened significantly. The presidencies of Lysius-Felicite Salomon (1879-1888) and Florvil Hypolite (1889-1896) witnessed critical domestic developments, including the advent of banking, the establishment of cable and postal communications, and the awarding of over 50 contracts to foreign enterprises. These developments marked the beginning of extensive foreign influence in the Haitian economy, and various facets of national life.
US Interest in Mole St Nicolas
Throughout the 19th century, various US administrations considered schemes to lease or seize the Haitian port Môle SaintNicolas. The strategic location was viewed as an ideal site for a naval base that could serve as a fulcrum for American naval power and influence in the Caribbean. Haiti resisted several attempts, but US strategic interest continued into the 20th century, particularly during the era of the “Banana Wars”, when the US military intervened in several Caribbean and Central American countries. However, despite continued interest, the United States never established a permanent naval base at Môle Saint-Nicolas.
Meanwhile, prominent Haitian intellectual Antenor Firmin met with Cuban leader Jose Marti. According to historian Laurent Du Bois “the two discussed the struggle for Cuban independence and shared ideas about uniting independent nations in the region into a Caribbean Confederation that could more easily resist incursions from outside.” Was this “Caribbean confederation” the first iteration of the concept of Caricom?
US invasion of Haiti 1915-1934
In 1915, the United States invaded Haiti and occupied the country until 1934. According to historian Herbert Gold, “The American occupation of Haiti still provides a textbook model of colonial brutality, including conscription of men to build roads and routine racist degradation. US marines went ashore, stole the gold in Haiti’s main bank and took it to the National City bank in New York (now Citibank). Following the American invasion, the country’s Constitution underwent significant alterations to meet American economic interests. The period in question saw a dramatic shift in Haiti’s economic landscape, as changes in the Haitian Constitution and other modifications allowed American banking interests to gain near-total control over the country’s economy.
Air assault on Haitian resistance
Historian Hans Schmidt highlights the “first recorded instance of coordinated airground combat in military history in March 1919” after the US invasion. This period of strife directed against the resistance to the occupation by Haitian guerrillas called “cacos” resulted in as many as 50,000 Haitian deaths. The main leader of the cacos was Charlemagne Peralte who was eventually assassinated by the Marines. According to author Yveline Alexis, the subsequent “display of Peralte’s body demonstrated the US forces’ brutal triumph in executing the supreme caco leader. US troops hoped this would signal an end to Haitian resistance. They reasoned that, without a leader, the cacos would buckle but in fact Peralte’s death had the opposite effect. Cacos and other Haitian resistance only escalated.”
Papa Doc and his mangoes
The era of François “Papa Doc” Duvalier’s rule in Haiti, from 1957 to 1971, stands out as one of the most brutal periods in the country’s history. Coming to power on a platform of nationalism and black empowerment, Duvalier quickly established a totalitarian regime marked by extreme repression and state-sponsored violence. He created a personal militia, the Tonton Macoute, which became notorious for its use of terror tactics against perceived enemies of the state. Throughout it all, he was supported by the West allegedly due to the “fear of communism” on the island but the support was more likely for economic exploitation of the country facilitated by Duvalier. And Duvalier demonstrated his contempt for the Haitian poor in a now famous exchange with a Newsweek journalist. When asked about the malnutrition among the people, he
responded “do you know how many mangos they eat a year?” Answering for himself Duvalier pronounced, “400 million.”
Haiti: Net exporter of baseballs
Haiti emerged as a key player in the global production of baseballs (also clothes and wigs) around 1969, primarily due to its role in the manufacturing processes of major sporting goods companies. This development is part of a broader story about global supply chains and the search by the sporting goods industry for exploitative production locations. At its zenith, Haiti was the world’s leading producer and exporter of baseballs, with over 20 million balls exported annually. This significant production relied heavily on inexpensive labour, especially from women, who were paid considerably less than their counterparts in other countries.
The rise and fall of Aristide
In April 2003, Haiti’s quest for justice saw President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, a former Roman Catholic priest who rose to prominence in the late 1980s as a leading voice for Haiti’s poor and disenfranchised, call for reparations from France. Aristide’s ascent to power in 1990 symbolised a future where social and economic disparities could be addressed. However, his presidency was marred by destabilisation by the Haitian elite and interference in the democratic process by the US. Political turmoil led to his first overthrow in a coup d’état in 1991, only to be restored to power in 1994. Aristide’s presidency was cut short once again in February 2004, amid escalating violence and opposition protests, he was overthrown in a coup and his removal from power led to a period of increased instability and violence in Haiti, exacerbating the country’s ongoing struggles. To this day Aristide’s removal remains one of the most egregious acts of foreign intervention in Haiti.
Bill and Hillary intervene
The Clintons, Bill and Hillary (the latter when Secretary of State) have also been criticised for their roles in Haiti and consequent impact on the country’s agriculture and politics, particularly concerning the Haitian rice industry and the democratic process. This situation arose when policies promoted during Bill Clinton’s presidency led to the flooding of the Haitian market with subsidised American rice. This influx severely undercut local production, leaving Haiti’s rice farmers struggling to compete and leading to a sharp decline in local agriculture. The ramifications of this policy have been profound, contributing to economic hardship and increased dependency on imports in a country that was once self-sufficient in rice production.
The Dominican Republic and Haiti
Haiti and its people continue to face stigmatisation both in the West and by its Caribbean neighbours. The relationship between Haiti and the neighbour it shares on Hispaniola goes all the way back to the revolution and intervening powers. The ‘Spanish’ part of the island of Hispaniola, the Dominican Republic was actually invaded and held by Haiti until 1844. Much later, Haitians continue to endure the painful memory of the genocide called the “parsley massacre” executed at the borderlands between Haiti and the Dominican Republic. In that episode in 1937, thousands of Haitians were murdered through the instrumentation of Rafael Trujillo, a darling of the Americans at the time.
Much later, in 2013, the Dominican Republic implemented a harsh and discriminatory constitutional provision, leading to the expulsion of thousands of Haitians and individuals of Haitian descent. This policy stripped many of their citizenship rights, causing a humanitarian crisis and exacerbating tensions between the two nations that share the island of Hispaniola. The move was widely condemned for its severity and for perpetuating a long history of anti-Haitian sentiment in the region, highlighting the ongoing challenges Haiti faces in securing dignity and rights for its people on an international stage.
Negative perception of Vodou
Vodou, which was until recently, pejoratively, and inaccurately spelled as “voodoo” has been misrepresented and misunderstood across the region and the world. The portrayal of Vodou as inauthentic has prompted politicians and public commentators in Guyana to describe any negative events as influenced by “voodoo.” This tendency, probably unintentional, reflects a deepseated pattern of anti-blackness reminiscent of Haiti’s historical treatment. Pat Robertson, the late prominent US evangelical figure claimed that the Haiti earthquake disaster of 2010 was a result of a historical “pact with the devil.” This statement was widely criticised for its insensitivity and hostility, reflecting a deep-seated mischaracterization of Haitian history and culture, particularly the role of Vodou as a religion deeply embedded in the struggle for Haitian freedom and identity.
UN ‘relief’ and tragedy
Peter Hallward, in a detailed examination of the criminal fiasco of international aid to Haiti, stated, “One of the most striking features of the relief effort was the almost automatic decision of the ‘international community’ to work through their own agencies and NGOs, rather than the Haitian state or grassroots popular organisations. For every dollar of US aid to Haiti in the first weeks after the disaster, only a single penny was received by the Haitian government. Six months on, of the US$1.8 billion for earthquake relief sent to Haiti…’less than 2.9% has so far gone to the government.’… Haiti’s president René Préval and his ministers began to complain more loudly about the way foreign governments and NGOs had taken control of the relief and reconstruction effort.” Finally, Préval “called on the United States to ‘stop sending food aid’ to Haiti ‘so that our economy can recover and create jobs.’”
Outsourcing Haitian security
The recent decision to deploy Kenyan police to Haiti, currently stalled due to opposition from Kenya, underscores a broader trend of external entities influencing domestic security strategies—a method that eerily echoes colonial-era practices of outsourcing control to maintain influence while sidestepping direct accountability. This approach not only raises serious questions about national sovereignty but also casts doubt on the long-term effectiveness of such security interventions. Similarly, the UK’s controversial initiative to relocate detained refugees to Rwanda is a modern reflection of these age-old tactics, suggesting a persistent reliance on outsourcing as a means of dealing with complex issues at arm’s length.
Haiti’s own tumultuous history, rife with foreign interventions that have often worked against its interests, urgently necessitates a critical reassessment of its position on the global stage. Instead of being perpetually cast in the role of a victim of tragedy, it is high time that Haiti’s enduring struggle for freedom and self-determination is recognised and supported. The resilience and historical legacy of the Haitian people offer hopes for overcoming current challenges. By embracing these strengths, Haiti can work towards reclaiming its sovereignty and revitalising its economy, demonstrating to the world and to its Caricom neighbours the true potential of its 12 million-strong population.