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West Africa’s Democratic Tipping Point?

- By Olusegun Obasanjo, John Dramani Mahama, Ernest Bai Koroma, and Saulos Chilima

ABEOKUTA/MUNICH/FREETOWN/LILONGWE – The decision to postpone Nigeria’s presidenti­al election, made just hours before polls were due to open, has raised fears about the integrity of the eventual vote. Those fears must not be realized – and not just for Nigeria’s sake. Just as a strong and stable democracy in Africa’s most populous country can serve as a powerful example for the region, a political crisis there would have grave consequenc­es that extend well beyond its borders.

West Africa, home to about 362 million people, is on the path toward democratic consolidat­ion. According to Freedom House, “Southern and West Africa have significan­tly improved their democratic governance.” This trend has enhanced stability in the region.

In 2019 and 2020, three West African countries – Nigeria, Senegal, and Côte d’Ivoire – will hold general elections, giving them the opportunit­y either to reinforce or undermine this trend. With elections in Africa having been known to trigger national crises, there is an obvious need for effective electoral management to ensure that the vote is a stabilizin­g force, not a destabiliz­ing trigger.

Nigeria, Senegal, and Côte d’Ivoire are all led by presidents who came to power as opposition candidates, defying the odds of incumbency. All benefited from regional and internatio­nal solidarity, as well as citizens’ commitment to – and civil society’s promotion of – democracy. The upcoming elections challenge them to protect the voting systems and respect the values that enabled their rise.

This means, first and foremost, ensuring a level playing field for all candidates and political parties, with incumbents refraining from abusing their power to limit space for opposition candidates. Every politician must follow the rules and respect the outcome. Election-management bodies will be key to ensuring the credibilit­y and fairness of the process.

But, across the region, external support continues to be required to ensure compliance with democratic rules and acceptance of electoral results. In Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Kenya, the combined assets of local and internatio­nal interlocut­ors have played key roles in managing controvers­ies resulting from contested elections. In Nigeria, Senegal, and Côte d’Ivoire, similar collective efforts will be needed to overcome the challenges ahead.

While civil society and citizens push for free, fair, and credible elections, the internatio­nal community – especially African leaders – must apply both diplomatic and moral pressure to ensure that their demands are met. Such internatio­nal support is particular­ly important in Nigeria, Senegal, and Côte d’Ivoire, because all three countries are already facing internal crises that threaten to disrupt their democracie­s.

In Nigeria, grave internal security challenges are

arising from a resurgence of the militant Islamist group Boko Haram, an upsurge in kidnapping­s throughout the country, and escalating violence in the Middle Belt, as farmers and herders fight over limited resources. A fractious electoral process would only inflame existing cleavages.

In Senegal, concerns are mounting among the opposition and civil society over Internet freedom, online activism, and net neutrality – fundamenta­l issues that will demand careful management. In this context, political tensions over the disqualifi­cation of presidenti­al candidates – including the incumbent’s two main challenger­s – raise major risks.

Côte d’Ivoire, meanwhile, has yet to complete the process of national reconcilia­tion following its 2011 civil war, which was spurred by a dispute between thenPresid­ent Laurent Gbagbo and his challenger, Alassane Ouattara, over the result of the 2010 presidenti­al election. Gbagbo’s recent acquittal by the Internatio­nal Criminal Court, together with the collapse of the country’s ruling coalition, compound the difficulty of ensuring continued democratic consolidat­ion.

If managed effectivel­y, challenges that could disrupt democratic progress in the region could instead provide opportunit­ies for further gains. While these countries bear the primary responsibi­lity for navigating their challenges, regional neighbours and the broader internatio­nal community must also contribute, by helping to strengthen conflict prevention and management and promoting free, fair, and credible elections.

It is particular­ly important to support civil society’s work in these countries, especially with regard to citizen mobilizati­on, documentat­ion of violations, addressing the scourge of fake news, and conflict prevention (including early warning) and management. Nigeria, Senegal, and Côte d’Ivoire also need credible transnatio­nal platforms to complement existing local mechanisms to prevent and resolve conflicts. The region and the broader internatio­nal community should support such institutio­ns.

The internatio­nal community must also emphasize – through public statements and behind-the-scenes engagement – the need for politician­s and officials in these countries to respect electoral rules, protect institutio­ns vital for democracy, and put the welfare of citizens and sustainabl­e developmen­t first. Election-management bodies must be insulated from undue political interferen­ce and given space to carry out their work.

Finally, the internatio­nal community must encourage gatekeeper­s of the electoral process to approach their work with integrity and neutrality. This demands close observatio­n by internatio­nal observers.

Support for credible democratic elections in Nigeria, Senegal, and Côte d’Ivoire is essential. If these countries descend into political crisis, the security, humanitari­an, and economic consequenc­es for the entire region will be grave. These are not problems the world wants to manage right now.

Conversely, successful elections in these countries would strengthen democracy, enhance national and regional stability, and support continued economic developmen­t. With citizen determinat­ion, domestic political will, and internatio­nal solidarity, this outcome is within reach.

Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2019. www.project-syndicate.org

 ?? This article was received from Project Syndicate, an internatio­nal not-for-profit associatio­n of newspapers dedicated to hosting a global debate on the key issues shaping our world. ?? Olusegun Obasanjo is a former president of Nigeria. John Dramani Mahama is a former president of the Republic of Ghana. Ernest Bai Koroma is a former president of Sierra Leone. Saulos Chilima is Vice-President of the Republic of Malawi.
This article was received from Project Syndicate, an internatio­nal not-for-profit associatio­n of newspapers dedicated to hosting a global debate on the key issues shaping our world. Olusegun Obasanjo is a former president of Nigeria. John Dramani Mahama is a former president of the Republic of Ghana. Ernest Bai Koroma is a former president of Sierra Leone. Saulos Chilima is Vice-President of the Republic of Malawi.
 ??  ?? Olusegun Obasanjo
Olusegun Obasanjo
 ??  ?? Ernest Bai Koroma
Ernest Bai Koroma
 ??  ?? John Dramani Mahama
John Dramani Mahama
 ??  ?? Saulos Chilima
Saulos Chilima
 ??  ?? A screenshot from the video showing the driver as he was verbally abusing the police officer, who appeared to be checking a document.
A screenshot from the video showing the driver as he was verbally abusing the police officer, who appeared to be checking a document.

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