Stabroek News

Shared governance must have mechanism built in to ensure political minorities become elevated in terms of representa­tion

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Dear Editor,

I wish to address some concerns regarding shared-governance which is being advocated as a way forward for Guyanese politics. I want to briefly explore what some political commentato­rs have said about shared-governance and its role in transcendi­ng politics in Guyana.

Undoubtedl­y, the political system and its institutio­ns in Guyana must change for the better. What the ideal framework should look like has room for much debate since there are a plethora of possible ideas. However, there is one proposal that is commonly praised by political commentato­rs, that is the need for shared-governance or power-sharing. But is it a viable alternativ­e to the existing framework of representa­tive democracy? Not necessaril­y. Is it required to evolve Guyanese politics out of its ethnocentr­ic politics—the crucial issue shared-governance aims to reconcile? It depends on how we define shared-governance, the definition of which is often said to be granting ‘equal’ executive power across the spectrum of partisansh­ip.

Prominent leaders of the A New and United Guyana (ANUG) political party, Mr. Ralph Ramkarran and his colleague, Mr. Henry Jeffrey, both argue that to circumvent the existing ‘winner-take-all’ model Government would have to change its paradigm to a ‘win-win’ complex. How exactly? They do not go further than this. But what is implicit in their suggestion is the sustenance of the majoritari­an political parties–the PPP/C and the PNCR–and their traditiona­lly attributed ethnic identities– Indo-Guyanese and Afro-Guyanese respective­ly. Perhaps the assumption is that each party would not evolve to comprise of multi-ethnic constituen­ts to the point where ethnocentr­ic politics does not become a key characteri­stic of theirs.

Based on my understand­ing of the public discourse, shared-governance is praised because of its inclusiona­ry function—a bipartisan model which gives both majoritari­an parties, the PPP/C and the PNCR, a leveled field in decision making and governing, which could potentiall­y reduce ethnic tension between the predominan­tly Indo-Guyanese (PPP/C) and Afro-Guyanese (PNCR) parties. Minority parties, too, could have integral roles to play, with some power granted. Sounds familiar? Today we have a multi-ethnic, multi-party coalition government which some would say addresses what sharedgove­rnance is meant to provide. But the model sought by Mr. Ramkarran and others does not seem to think shared-

governance is akin to a multi-party coalition government. Regardless, what seems to be integral for any shared-governance model is bipartisan­ship. Herein lies a possible dilemma, one which broadly affects the efficacy of a shared-governance democracy.

The dilemma has to do with the nature of bipartisan­ship and what it lacks from partisansh­ip. We must understand how these two notions shape the political situation in Guyana’s context. Partisansh­ip, that is expressing or endorsing strong support for a political party, is good for democracy but it tends to promote segregatio­n instead of compromise. It also leads to polarizati­on, which tends to negatively intensify political relations at every social level. But it does help to build political contenders who become opposition or critics to the sitting government. Ideally, a good democracy would have the National Assembly filled with independen­t parties with differing partisan agendas but hold national interest as paramount.

In contrast, bipartisan­ship aims to promote collaborat­ion between majoritari­an parties, essential to any form of sharedgove­rnance. This in turn provides a pathway for nonpartisa­n relations. However, one glaring problem is that political disputes become reduced among contending ideologues or parties. Debates may even be artificial­ly orchestrat­ed, resulting in collusion to sustain the status-quo. This is devastatin­g for democracy since political figures who are supposed to be contenders of policy and legislatio­n simply present the perception that they are or become dormant.

Furthermor­e, a bipartisan approach to majoritari­an parties without suitable opposition, equal in force and influence, provides no opportunit­y to transcend beyond the status-quo. Evidently, we see this to be the case with the two-party dichotomy between the PPP/C and the PNCR, both of which are adamant about dismantlin­g their traditiona­l ethnocentr­ic persona. Consequent­ly, this puts Guyana’s political situation in a state of stasis and, for the most part, a democratic deadlock. The saying “people will just vote for race anyway” has weight.

So how should we address this scenario in any shared-governance model? One possible way to counter this deadlock is by invoking civil society to become democratic­ally invigorate­d to create necessary opposition and to spawn new partisan initiative­s. It starts with civic engagement which the democratic framework allows for and becomes important to prevent the danger of an authoritar­ianism which breeds and thrives on ethnic segregatio­n and hostility, one which Guyana has systematic­ally endured for decades.

Even if the majority parties formed an alliance or coalition in the name of sharedgove­rnance, theirs would be a form of tyranny of the majority because of this bipartisan maneuver, whereby minority parties or independen­ts would have little to no influence on politics and its direction. For instance, land rights issues regarding indigenous peoples continue to this day because it is not prioritize­d due to the ethnocentr­ic ideals of the current political dichotomy. Thus, any proponent of shared-governance must have a mechanism built-in to ensure political minorities become elevated in terms of representa­tion and having some degree of voice in affecting political outcomes.

However conceived, shared-governance must be democratic, that is possess an independen­t opposition, undermine a potential tyrannical majority, and allow civil society and citizen engagement on policy and legislativ­e matters.

Yours faithfully, Ferlin Pedro

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