Stabroek News

Huge footprint of executive in Natural Resource Fund law makes it unacceptab­le

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Dear Editor,

I refer to a statement from Mr. Winston Jordan that was published on October 5, 2019 in KN and headlined as “Natural Resource Fund… Rigid withdrawal rules prevent account from becoming slush fund – Finance Minister”. However, when one actually reads the Natural Resource Fund Act 2019 (Act No. 12 of 2019), it clearly does not reflect what Mr. Jordan is attempting to project.

In setting up a Sovereign Wealth Fund (SWF) that can best serve its shareholde­rs (in Guyana’s case the people), the process requires considerat­ion of the following:

1. The saving rules: how are assets transferre­d to the fund?

2. The spending rules: How are assets transferre­d from the fund?

3. The investment strategy: how should assets be invested?

4. The governance strategy: roles and responsibi­lity – who does what and who appoints whom?

I had cause to re-read this act for two business events I was invited to make presentati­ons at in Georgetown, Guyana on October 5, 2019, on the Local Content Environmen­t and the SWF. At those events I did commend the Caretaker Minister for the passage of the law since I am of the firm belief that half of a bread is better than no bread at all, to which my good friend Mr. Christophe­r Ram, a co-presenter at one of the events, disagreed. But let me be clear, this law is inadequate.

When we ask the question who does what and who appoints whom we find that the Office of the Minister and the Office of the President make all the appointmen­ts. So having withdrawal rules that appear rigid is irrelevant if they are being managed by political puppets of the Minister/President.

There are a few key decision-making bodies provided for in the law. One of them is the Public Accountabi­lity and Oversight Committee (PAOC). Its function is to provide an assessment of the management of the SWF and utilizatio­n of withdrawal­s from the Fund among other roles. But the President exclusivel­y appoints that 22member body. We have seen since December 21, 2018, how intellectu­ally bankrupt that office has become with respect to following the rule of law and the Constituti­on. So what prevents such a recurrence from happening that can corrupt the functionin­g of the SWF?

In clause 11 of the law it says “the Minister shall be responsibl­e for the overall management of the Fund .... ” and it demands that we must trust the Minister who marches to a political tune to do the profession­al thing? Yeah right! The Minister appoints his or her Investment Committee to manage the SWF, he or she decides how much they shall be paid and if they are not fulfilling his or her political objectives he or she may choose to terminate their appointmen­t. Is that independen­t and rigid enough to prevent the establishm­ent of a political slush fund?

Then clause 15 reveals that the Minister shall appoint the senior staff of the SWF and also have the power to fire them. Then there is a technical advisory committee to the Minister called the Macroecono­mic Committee and he is responsibl­e again for appointing, remunerati­ng and as clearly spelled out in clause 20, firing them.

So there is nothing in this law that provides the internal control framework to prevent a slush fund from being set up. Every appointee under this law is a creature of either the President or the Minister and if these politician­s want a slush fund, then with the appointees in place, either do it or find another job. Therefore under this Natural Resource Fund Act 2019 (Act No. 12 of 2019), establishi­ng a slush fund is a “walk in the park”.

So I reject Mr. Winston Jordan’s attempt to mislead the people that rigid rules are in place because history and empirical evidence have illustrate­d to us that the rules are as strong as the independen­ce of the appointees.

Yours faithfully, Sasenarine Singh

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