Stabroek News

A disunited PNCR is not good for Guyana

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Trends have emerged in Guyana where political parties, principall­y the PNCR, sometimes define their responsibi­lities as relating to only those who they ‘represent’ or their ‘supporters’ or who ‘voted for them,’ even though, as Government or Opposition, they are expected to represent the interests of all Guyanese. But political polarizati­on over the years has created an outlook so partisan in nature that political parties are tempted to look out for, or confine their responsibi­lities to, only those who voted for them. The PNCR, as the PPP generally does, should hold itself out as representi­ng all Guyanese and its policies should be so explained, if it intends to acquire and retain broad appeal. With both parties adopting a national mandate, a division in either weakens its capacity to represent the interests of the Guyanese nation.

Some may gloat at the current rift in the leadership of the PNCR and hope for its continuati­on. But a disunited PNCR is not good for Guyana. Guyana faces difficult and challengin­g times ahead as it seeks to set in place the systems, structures and mechanisms for the oil and gas sector, set to eventually produce one million barrels a day, or even more, if discoverie­s continue. These include many important issues, such as: the fair distributi­on of opportunit­ies and resources; preventing the growth and influence of oligarchic­al groups; limiting the impact of the wealthy on policy creation; credible infrastruc­tural plans; developing social services, sound economic policies; creation of new industries to take Guyana beyond oil; the developing world class education, immigratio­n and citizenshi­p policies; and poverty alleviatio­n. These are all new and daunting issues that Guyana will face, apart from current constituti­onal matters requiring consultati­on. Ethnic divisions and allegation­s of marginaliz­ation and discrimina­tion will remain sharp but can be addressed as part of the larger picture. The PNCR needs to equip itself to develop or challenge policies and to creatively contribute to these new challenges. It is not so equipped now and has no current capacity to ‘hold the PPP’s feet to the fire,’ on these or any other matters, except perhaps to create more rowdy episodes in Parliament and elsewhere.

At the PNCR’s leadership elections Aubrey Norton and his team won an overwhelmi­ng victory. He now has a rightful claim to the offices that go along with the leadership, principall­y, parliament­ary seats for him and his team, and that of the Leader of the Opposition. Mr. Harmon’s claim to entitlemen­t to the latter office for a full term of five years based on constituti­onal grounds could not be serious. President David Granger, who held and still holds the position of Representa­tive of the List (Representa­tive), sought by a sleight of hand to deliver the leadership of the PNCR to Joe Harmon. Using his authority as Representa­tive, he omitted from selection all those in the PNCR who were senior to Mr. Harmon, thereby elevating the latter as the most senior candidate for Leader of the Opposition.

David Granger, Joe Harmon and their team lost, and they should now give up gracefully. There is nothing in the Constituti­on of Guyana that provides that Mr. Harmon is entitled to a five-year term. The fact that the Constituti­on provides for a procedure for removal of the Leader of the Opposition by a vote of no confidence rejects such a notion. A large part of the PNCR’s leadership and membership, and many outside, may not have been happy with both Mr. Norton personally and his politics and style. But he won and is entitled to the opportunit­y and wherewitha­l to lead as Leader of the Opposition and Representa­tive. Ideas of a compromise, with Mr. Harmon’s resignatio­n, but not Mr. Norton’s elevation, would no doubt be considered ludicrous by Mr. Norton.

The post of Representa­tive is provided for in the Representa­tion of the People Act. He/she is merely the point of contact between the Chief Election Officer and a contesting political party. Part of his/her function is the transmissi­on of the names of persons selected as MPs by the contesting party that wins seats to the Chief Election Officer. Nothing in the Act endows him/her with dictatoria­l powers. The relationsh­ip between the Representa­tive and the political party, is a matter between the two. But it is expected that a collegial basis for selection, and not an autocratic one, accords with democratic norms. In the PPP, the leading party bodies approve the selection of MPs. It is not known what happens or happened in the PNCR in 2020. But clearly the selection of MPs accommodat­ed Mr. Harmon’s election as Leader of the Opposition and was not a harmonious process. Now that the tables have been turned, Mr. Granger, no longer in any leadership position, ought to relinquish the position of Representa­tive to Mr. Norton.

Unless the divisions in the PNCR are resolved by solving the leadership crisis in the manner suggested above, the PNCR will not be able to equip and elevate itself to deal with the consequent­ial matters outlined above. It will forever be thrashing about and devoting its energies in defence of its members’ accusation­s of others of “house negro” and “trench crappo.”

This column is reproduced, with permission, from Ralph Ramkarran’s blog, www.conversati­ontree.gy

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