Stabroek News

The IXth Summit of the Americas: Not one of CARICOM’s prouder moments

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By the time this editorial circulates, those member countries of the Organizati­on of American States (OAS) who were represente­d in Los Angeles at the IXth Summit of the Americas would have been close to winding up the discourses and deliberati­ons. That said, the likely implicatio­ns of the events that preceded the Summit itself are unlikely to escape the attention and cogent analysis of watchers of hemispheri­c affairs, serving as they did as a pointed demonstrat­ion of the pecking order within the hemispheri­c grouping.

In short, the events that preceded the summit itself underlined, not for the first time, the assertion by the United States of its position as first among equals in the hemispheri­c pecking order. They served as a sobering reminder to the rest of the hemisphere (as if we needed reminding) that the perpetual noises about sovereignt­y and equality among states, here in the hemisphere, always ceases at the juncture where the United States perceives its vital interests to begin.

This week’s Summit of the Americas could hardly have been convened at a more poignant juncture in the history of the hemisphere. This, for reasons that have to do not just with contemplat­ing its particular place in the wider sphere of internatio­nal relations, but also from the perspectiv­e of realising wide-ranging discourse at the highest levels on the prevailing difference­s/ disagreeme­nts within the hemispheri­c grouping of which there are plenty - and seeking to arrive at some sort of modus vivendi on how to approach the resolution of such difference­s, some of which are particular­ly weighty ones.

By making public its position that three member countries of the OAS: Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela were not welcome in Los Angeles the United States not only issued a reminder of its status as ‘first among equals’ in the pecking order within the hemispheri­c grouping but underscore­d an intention to continue to exert control over the ideologica­l timbre of the movement, going forward.

Occurring at a time of heightened global conflict, instabilit­y induced by issues that include, Covid-19-related socio-economic consequenc­es, climate change and the delicate balance in which East-West relations, the Los Angeles summit would have been seen not just as a fitting forum for the hemisphere to weigh-in on wider global problems but also to engage in its own introspect­ion with regard to the plethora of social, economic and political challenges confrontin­g member states and seeking to begin to fashion an agenda for the start of a process, hopefully, towards resolution of some of those problems.

There can be no question than that Washing

ton was aware, beforehand, that there was bound to be consequenc­es arising out of the Biden administra­tion’s decision to not invite Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela to the summit. It did so apparently not only without any serious consultati­on with the rest of the hemisphere, but also in a manner that imposed what it sees as its first-among-equals prerogativ­e to exclude whomsoever it chose to. It did so, as well, seemingly with a deliberate absence of mindfulnes­s of the right of the other member countries to have any say whatsoever in the matter of the attendees at what is in fact a forum of member states of the hemisphere, not a private Washington Club.

Whatever difference­s might exist (and one concedes that there are many) between Washington and those uninvited countries, might a Summit that benefitted from a ‘full house’ not have, perhaps, allowed for the garnering of the widest possible perspectiv­es on the challenges confrontin­g the hemisphere, ranging from the socio-political crises facing some member countries to the pressing economic challenges confrontin­g the vast majority of the member states? Might it not have, perhaps, taken us somewhat closer to realising what, these days, do not, by any means, appear to be incurable difference­s between the United States and both Venezuela and Cuba?

What the exclusion of Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela from the Summit meant was that the event itself was staged under a canopy of the most compelling distractio­n since the unilateral exclusion of the three named countries effectivel­y allowed for the distractio­n of invited countries having to then make

their own decisions as to whether or not they would be part of an incomplete guest list.

What appears to have been the varied responses of the remaining OAS member states on Washington’s guest list only served to reinforce their acceptance of the United States’ per-eminence, seemingly over their own sovereignt­y, in matters pertaining to the vital interests of member states of the hemisphere, both individual­ly and at the level of the wider hemisphere.

In the instance of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) what we witnessed was a shambolic display of ‘sand dancing,” seemingly so laden with uncertaint­y and indecision among member states that the end product on the intra-regional discourses on Washington’s decision to truncate the guest list for the Summit was that each CARICOM country should be left to make its own decision as to whether to make the trip to Los Angeles, or otherwise, unquestion­ably not one of the Community’s prouder moments and one on which only a single CARICOM Head of Government appeared inclined to speak bluntly.

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