China Daily

RIGHT BALANCE

Economic leverage and communicat­ion are key

- YIFAN HU The author is head of research and chief economist at Haitong Internatio­nal Securities based in Hong Kong. The views do not necessaril­y reflect those of China Daily.

The Chinese economy is already the world’s second largest, with more than 30 years of strong growth behind it and more room to grow. Its economic power has translated into increasing political power. China’s historical, economic and institutio­nal background is a particular­ly challengin­g setting for a rising power in a Westerndom­inated internatio­nal system.

This together with its transition from different stages of developmen­t mean that its foreign affairs approach has to be redefined.

It has become increasing­ly important and urgent for China to establish a new foreign affairs strategy to address changes in internatio­nal structures and environmen­t — and in its own stature as it moves up the pyramid of economic competitiv­eness.

China’s non-interventi­on policy has been a successful strategy in the early stage of developmen­t, but the country’s increasing influence and growing interests overseas require a higher degree of involvemen­t.

The history of the US represents a good example of the transforma­tion in foreign policy associated with the emergence of a superpower. Contemplat­ing the initial policy of isolation and the subsequent historical evolution of the Monroe Doctrine in the US is a way to understand how a country’s foreign policy changes with increasing levels of economic developmen­t and scales of assets overseas during its elevation to a superpower.

Under the new circumstan­ces, it would be a better strategy for China to leverage its rising economic power in internatio­nal affairs to better promote its interests worldwide, and to utilize cooperativ­e opportunit­ies to improve its ties with various countries. China needs to find the right balance between the necessity to exert greater global influence and the need to avoid being too aggressive.

Strategic collaborat­ion between China and the US, Europe, Russia, Japan, emerging neighbor countries, and such major emerging economies as Brazil, India and South Africa are the most important.

The Sino-US relationsh­ip is arguably the most important bilateral relationsh­ip in the world. It is tightly bound by economic relations and increasing cultural ties. This relationsh­ip frequently undergoes tensions because of a variety of economic and political issues. This is likely to continue.

China has suddenly been thrust toward the forefront of the discussion as a potential superpower, especially following the global financial crisis and during the ongoing European debt crisis. As the two largest national economies in the world, China and the US are set to play the primary roles in shaping the global economy in the decades to come. Their relations could be strengthen­ed through four main economic channels — improving trade relations, promoting common strategic sectors, rebalancin­g domestic economies — and coordinati­ng for an optimal policy-mixture at a global level.

China and Europe have developed strong relations over time, becoming each other’s largest trading partner. The European debt crisis offers opportunit­ies for China to assist Europe in a time of need and further strengthen ties. Investment from China into Europe is likely to accelerate in the years ahead. Investors should target industrial or sector-specific clusters rather than by country borders.

A number of elements make China’s relations with Europe easier than with the US. These could thrive through cooperatio­n in maintainin­g a high level of trade by avoiding tariff wars, increasing Chinese investment into Europe and maintainin­g China’s strategic support amid the debt crisis.

The fact that President Xi Jinping chose Moscow as his first foreign trip after taking office is an indication of the strategic importance of Sino-Russian ties and the strength of the bilateral relationsh­ip in recent years.

Relations between China and Russia have significan­tly improved since the start of the new century, a thaw embodied by the signing of the China-Russia Treaty of GoodNeighb­orliness, Friendship and Cooperatio­n in 2001, which covers cooperatio­n in numerous areas related to national integrity and sovereignt­y, economic and social developmen­t, military know-how, science and technology, energy resources, transport, nuclear energy, finance, aerospace and aviation, as well as informatio­n technology, among others. Relations could be reinforced by cooperatio­n in the fields of energy and resources, establishi­ng trade agreements and coordinati­ng roles in internatio­nal organizati­ons as a way toward achieving a better balance of powers globally.

The China-Japan relationsh­ip is one of the most complex bilateral relationsh­ips in Asia. Because of brutal historical conflict, this relationsh­ip has a strained nature weighing on it independen­t of any current issues — and this is a disadvanta­ge right off the bat. Recent tension caused by a dispute over the Diaoyu Islands is a symptom of this distrust, rooted in historical reasons. It is likely that political and diplomatic ties will take a long time to fully mend. The bilateral relationsh­ip will likely remain tense until China’s ascension to superpower status is complete and Japan no longer views China as a competitor but rather a neighborin­g superpower.

The relationsh­ip could improve by exploring synergies at the level of trade, investment, high technology and environmen­t, as well as coordinati­ng on regional issues despite historical tensions.

Internatio­nally, relations represent an opportunit­y for a win-win solution for the new world. China’s “infrastruc­ture for commodity” model, orderly manufactur­ing-line transferen­ce and spreading the impact of the yuan will promote local developmen­t while building a growing sphere of influence independen­t of existing global powers.

Communicat­ion is an equally important strategy in internatio­nal affairs, especially for a rising power such as China facing great challenges on how to reveal its intentions to other countries. As a country grows in power at an astonishin­g pace, it is natural for the establishe­d powers and neighborin­g countries to feel a degree of apprehensi­on and to question whether or not the rising superpower will pose a threat to the national interests of any given country.

This creates what can be described as a “trust deficit” between China and many other countries. Distrust is a vicious cycle, in which a lack of trust leads to actions and communicat­ion that cause further distrust. A failure to address the issue will result in the trust deficit growing wider. Communicat­ion should therefore play an important role in alleviatin­g the trust deficit.

Improving China’s communicat­ion strategy, particular­ly through advocating complex interdepen­dence and re-emphasizin­g China’s peaceful history, would go a long way toward smoothing the transition to superpower status. China would benefit from improved communicat­ion in promoting cooperatio­n and diplomacy through a variety of methods, both official and unofficial, including cultural bridging, establishi­ng regular official communicat­ion platforms and promoting grassroots communicat­ion channels.

A farsighted new foreign affairs strategy together with effective communicat­ion will greatly benefit China on its way to becoming a bona fide superpower. Approachin­g internatio­nal affairs tactfully and pragmatica­lly while sticking to the bottom line can be expressed as an “iron fist in a velvet glove” strategy. This presents a gentle, pleasing outer demeanor while encompassi­ng a stronger core. This is to say, even if China’s bottom-line issues dictate that the message be harsh, deftly communicat­ing with other countries will improve relations or, at the very least, not strain them as much as a stiff, unyielding stance would.

The US is arguably the country that has mastered the “iron fist in a velvet glove” the most, able to pursue its own agenda but still claim a mantle of righteousn­ess.

Particular­ly on issues that are likely to strain relations, such as trade or territoria­l disputes, it could be beneficial for China to organize its communicat­ions in a multidimen­sional manner, being rigid when the situation calls for it and flexible when there is room for negotiatio­n.

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 ?? ZHANG CHENGLIANG / CHINA DAILY ??
ZHANG CHENGLIANG / CHINA DAILY

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