Modi-Sharif meeting draws mixed reactions from Pakistan media
Hours after his meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif returned home to Islamabad where he was greeted by a volley of criticism from the media on Tuesday. The Pakistan media was up in arms against Sharif for not raising the Kashmir issue with Modi even as the issue of terrorism had cropped up in their 45-minute meeting on Tuesday. Cornered by the media, Sharif’s aides immediately came to his defence and tried convincing the media that the Pakistan PM’s visit and meeting both had been a success. “Mr Modi’s promise to visit Pakistan, the resumption of secretary level talks, and taking forward the Lahore declaration signed by then prime minister Nawaz Sharif and then Indian Prime Minister [Atal Behari] Vajpayee back in 1999 which has a clear mention of the Kashmir issue,” a member of Nawaz Sharif’s delegation was quoted in a Dawn report as explaining why the trip should be seen as a success for Pakistan. In an editorial titled “Pak-India: More of the same?”, Dawn wrote, “As ever, there are tough questions to be asked about the intentions and/or capacity of both sides to deliver on their rhetoric of peace. Is Mr Modi really interested in moving forward on normalisation of ties with Pakistan? A couple of days into his prime ministership that is impossible to know. The generous explanation would cast Mr Modi’s invitation to Mr
Sharif as a signal that the new Indian government wants to work on improving ties with Pakistan immediately and perhaps even meaningfully. The less charitable explanation would be that Mr Modi has cleverly bought himself goodwill internationally by hosting Mr Sharif, but did so in a way that really conceded nothing: the invitation itself was one to Saarc leaders and the selective leaks to the media after the prime ministerial meeting yesterday suggested that Mr Modi stuck to a hawkish script instead of a more peaceable one. With Mr Modi having run a campaign that focused almost entirely on domestic issues, there is little yet to go by on what a Modi-led BJP foreign policy will look like over the next five years. South Asians may be eternally hopeful, but peace between states that have been historical rivals needs something more.” In a separate editorial titled “A new page?”, The News wrote, “The meeting between Nawaz and Modi hinted both at the prospects for peace and the likelihood of trouble in the months ahead. Nawaz focused, as he always has, on engagement but Modi spoke mostly of terrorism, particularly the Mumbai attacks of 2008. The way to work through these troubles, as Nawaz well understands, is by engaging in other issues first and broaching matters of disagreement once ties have improved.” It further wrote, “In his own brief remarks to the press, Nawaz once again sung the song of peace. That the word “peace” can even be uttered with the hardline Modi in power is in itself a testament to the surprising developments of the past few days. A point to note was that the Indian side did bring up specific issues of concern but the Pakistani PM talked of our issues only in general diplomatic terms.? While a measure of optimism is in order for this unexpected progress, we still need to be wary of likely challenges. Modi’s ideology remains what it is and any attack in India is still sure to be blamed on Pakistan, with the inevitable recriminations to follow. If Modi does indeed visit Pakistan, which could be a very distant prospect, we can also expect a lot of hostility stemming from his actions during the massacre of Muslims in Gujarat. The commitment of the military to peace with India is also in question. The two leaders have done what no one expected but the chances of reverting back to script still remain high.” Writing in Daily Times , Dr Qaisar Rashid, in an editorial titled, “Nawaz Sharif’s visit to India”, wrote, “One school of thought says that hardliner Modi will not take such a hard line against Pakistan once he is on the throne. The example of Vajpayee is quoted who accepted Sharif’s invitation, travelled to Lahore by bus and signed the Lahore Declaration in February 1999. In the same example lies the point of dissuasion for Modi. If he repeats the same and another Kargil-like situation is created in the aftermath, what will be the solution? Will Modi be able to bear the embarrassment borne by Vajpayee? Modi may not be ready for that and India may not be ready for another such confrontation. Hence, there is no possibility for Modi’s visit to Pakistan in the near future. One thing Modi will necessarily be pressing on Pakistan is bringing the culprits of the Mumbai attacks, 2008 to justice. Despite Sharif’s welcoming gesture to Modi’s invitation, this point will remain the first hurdle to cross. This is the point that will keep on pushing Modi to take a rigid stance against Pakistan. The same point is bound to victimise Pakistan’s dream of the resumption of a meaningful and constructive composite dialogue process on the issue of Kashmir. The same point is bound to affect domestic politics in Pakistan. At the end of his visit, Sharif will realise that both Modi and he are the prisoners of their weaknesses, which are incapacitating in nature. Nevertheless, if both Modi and Sharif emerge successful, real peace can be established in the region.” In an editorial titled, “Always on the brink”, The Nation , wrote, “The Prime Minister’s visit to Delhi for Narendra Modi’s oathtaking ceremony is different, though the hype in the media is similar in lauding the great beginnings of a diplomatic peace process. But that is not what the PM has gone to Delhi to do. His trip to Delhi is one thing only. It is a smart political move. Image is everything; goodwill must be seen to exist. Its the modern, progressive thing to do. There is no political agenda we are following. Everything is a presupposition thriving on the symbolism of two Prime Ministers shaking hands for a photo op.” It further wrote, “If any real progress is to be made, it must move beyond symbolism. Cleverly, Modi has legitimised a very controversial election by having SAARC leaders, especially the Pakistani PM, in attendance at his swearing-in. Now, the way Pakistan understands diplomatic theatrics must change. We must focus on formulating policy that can withstand the echoes and shockwaves of history and the routine glitches of our complex, and mutual, political state.”