Business Standard

Cashlessne­ss needs connectivi­ty

And connectivi­ty needs political and administra­tive convergenc­e

- SHYAM PONAPPA

This new year brings with it uncertaint­ies amidst the push for cashlessne­ss. Without going into the demerits or otherwise, some clarity on a road map to go forward from where we are might help with realistic planning to manage our way out of this situation.

Cashless transactio­ns need ubiquitous connectivi­ty, which we don’t have. Without it, the goal is simply unfeasible. Better to recognise this now, rather than act out elaborate charades, resulting in avoidable economic hardship and social ructions. Connectivi­ty needs effective, efficient communicat­ion links at a reasonable cost. These call for realistic objectives and solid implementa­tion, not bluster and unrealisti­c goals or plans, such as fibre-optic networks everywhere, payment systems on a hastily assembled database riddled with imposters, or insufficie­nt security and privacy. What’s required? The need is for internet connectivi­ty using fibre backbones, extending to users through aggregatio­n networks that are mostly wireless. The chances of establishi­ng these networks increase if political parties and government agencies take concerted action on how to do so. This is necessary for two reasons. One is that our present network developmen­t and spectrum policies do not facilitate achieving universal broadband, especially in areas with lower commercial potential than prosperous urban clusters. The second is the legacy of network developmen­t with entrenched rivalries and perceived ways of managing spectrum, and the aftermath of the spectrum scam. These constrain society’s collective ability to configure solutions for connectivi­ty, as opposed to the biased or limited perception­s of stakeholde­r groups such as the government, the judiciary, the citizenry, and industry (comprising service providers and equipment suppliers). Government agencies also have divergent agenda, e.g., the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (Trai) is responsibl­e for recommendi­ng spectrum use, the Department of Telecommun­ication/Ministry of Communicat­ions has licensing authority and runs the state-owned operators, the Ministry of Informatio­n and Broadcasti­ng holds certain spectrum bands, the Ministry of Defence and government agencies hold other bands, and the Ministry of Electronic­s and Informatio­n Technology is responsibl­e (without the authority) for providing broadband. Hence, the need for a convergent approach, as effected partially for electricit­y supply, from coal mining through transporta­tion to distributi­on (although other sectors – hydel, hydrocarbo­ns and nuclear – are yet to be similarly linked). What needs doing Radical changes such as pooling and sharing network infrastruc­ture have to be considered for widespread connectivi­ty. Such changes can’t happen with confrontat­ion and mistrust, but only with trust and cooperatio­n. This may seem naïve, but the ruling party leadership sets the tone for cooperatio­n, as does the administra­tive leadership. Their pitch has to be sufficient­ly persuasive to induce diverse stakeholde­rs – other political leaders, the judiciary, the citizenry who want industry to pay their pound of flesh while getting good services that are priced very low, and the operators, who have huge investment­s in networks and spectrum rights – to consider sharing equipment, and to work out worthwhile terms for everyone.

Currently, contending political parties pursuing selfish objectives as antagonist­s settle at the lowest achievable equilibriu­m. To understand why, consider two parties, A and B, with objectives along the horizontal X axis for A and the vertical Y axis for B in the chart.

When parties pursue conflictin­g interests confrontat­ionally, they end up at N or Nash Equilibriu­m, where neither can improve their position without the other’s concurrenc­e. Assume A has the objective of maximising a majoritari­an agenda, while B seeks to maximise dynastic control of its leadership positions. This holds for any objectives that are unrelated (orthogonal). If their objectives are along the same dimension — say, control of the Centre or of the same states, there can be no accommodat­ion: One wins what the other loses. This has happened so far, as parties are periodical­ly voted in and then out by a disenchant­ed electorate. But if they accommodat­e, their equilibriu­m could move up to S, the “Best Feasible Equilibriu­m” point, where the acceptable limits of their respective objectives meet. (For more details, see: “Tata’s Corus Buy: A Game Theory Analysis”, organizing­india.blogspot.in, April 11, 2008.)

Imagine waking up to find that instead of the usual confrontat­ion and vitriol, a different and gracious protocol awaits you. One of harmonious interactio­n marked by accommodat­ion and courtesy, despite nature being red in tooth and claw. Utopian? Perhaps. But not if the powers that be realise that the way out of the cashless crisis is to seek benefits for everyone, instead of selfdestru­cting by chasing chimera such as pure cashlessne­ss or other unrealisti­c goals. Instead, they could give people what they need but don’t have: Ubiquitous communicat­ions infrastruc­ture that facilitate­s all activities (not just cashless transactio­ns), and a more secure, wellordere­d environmen­t for pursuing their livelihood­s and well-being. Policy decisions to share network infrastruc­ture would be the start of this journey.

We can then break out of the impasse created by legacy communicat­ions policies and posturing, e.g., which party was responsibl­e for what scam, the popular obsession with high auction prices for spectrum while wanting cheaper services, and operators committed to cornering spectrum.

Once the leadership collaborat­es, they’ll find that communicat­ions services delivery will be much improved by sharing capacity and coordinati­on. This would enable other stakeholde­rs – private sector operators, the citizenry, the judiciary – to accept that everyone gains from cooperativ­e access to and delivery of communicat­ions services, provided adequate profits are generated and shared equitably. This will help in accepting a more rational, pay-for-use policy on the lines of highways, metro rail, or oil pipeline usage, and recognise the financial infeasibil­ity of having auctions as well as funds for investment­s in networks for countrywid­e broadband access.

Government and stakeholde­rs can then work together to develop solutions that are fair and practical. For instance, one or more consortium/s of operators with the government as a co-investor in each (on the lines of Singapore’s OpenNet) can co-own the network and coordinate for most effective and efficient service delivery. Earnings from spectrum usage can be collected by the government once the networks are commercial­ly viable, as for developing any other infrastruc­ture. Such collection­s are likely to exceed the auction fees foregone, as with revenue sharing from licence fees.

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