Fishing in a tribal brew

The state’s politics are all its own and heavily tribe-driven. Currently ruled by a Democratic Alliance of Nagaland, in which the primary partner is the Naga People’s Front (NPF), there is little more than tribal loyalty acting as a glue in keeping the coalition together.

Recently, the NPF split, pushing most MLAs to withdraw their loyalty to T R Zeliang and moving to the faction led by Shurhozelie Liezietsu. The immediate reason was Zeliang announcing 33 per cent reservation for women. However, in a comedy of errors, Zeliang returned to being CM.

The BJP has a good relationship with NPF. The unease lies in the framework agreement of a Naga accord signed between the Indian government and the Manipur-based National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak Muivah) in 2015. This recognises the militant group as part of the political mainstream. The accord cautiously acknowledges the aspiration of the Naga people to have a homeland or Nagalim.

However, the exact terms have not been made public. The fear is that areas currently known as Nagaland might be made contiguous with Manipur to carve out a Greater Nagalim in which some non-Naga tribes might become minorities. The new entity could threaten existing interests, financial and political, and create new ones.

The election will play out against a subtext of contested and shared sovereignty. The BJP’s Ram Madhav is a pivotal figure in extending the party’s hold and discourse in the northeast. Yet, the party acknowledges that with the church’s dominance, the BJP can at best have a creative alliance with political groups, not a sustainable and independent unit.