Business Standard

Big oil doesn’t like EV subsidies, just its own giant subsidy

- LIAM DENNING BLOOMBERG

You may not have heard, but electric vehicles are just another one-percenter boondoggle, Jay Gatsby’s cream-colored Rolls Royce reincarnat­ed and partly paid for by you, the toiling masses, via various subsidies.

As an argument, it is tailor-made for an era of anger at “elites.” Andit’s one with which I’ve become familiar reading recent letters from organizati­ons such as Koch Industries Inc., affiliates of the American Petroleum Institute and Americans For Prosperity, urging federal and state bodies to forgo support for electric vehicles or their chargers. If wealthier types wish to buy them, so be it, but they should pay for it themselves. As Koch’s letter opposing an extension of the federal tax credit for EVs puts it: I en courage you to allow innovation and consumer choice to drive this industry, not tax dollars and government subsidies.

Stirring stuff, though it does rather gloss over some niggling details.

They aren’t wrong about one thing: Subsidies for EVs tend to accrue to the wealthy. A paper published in 2015 by Severin Borenstein and Lucas Davis of UC Berkeley found exactly that. One explanatio­n is that, even when subsidized, today’ s EVs are usually more expensive than regular vehicles, so they are bought by wealthier people.

This is clearly unfair. However, as Berkeley’s B or en stein and Davis wrote in a blog post summarizin­g that same paper: We find that tax credits are less attractive on distributi­onal grounds than pricing [greenhouse­gases] directly … Whereas tax credits go disproport­ionately to high income households, a carbon tax would be paid disproport­ionately by high-income households.

This uncovers the main problem with the whole elitist EVs argument: If not these subsidies, then what?

Addressing climate change means encouragin­g a switch away from emitting vast quantities of greenhouse gases into the atmosphere in order to power our societies. Leaving aside the unfortunat­e desire of certain parties to ignore or obfuscate the science framing that threat, the central question is how to encourage that switch most efficientl­y. In general, handing out regressive subsidies based on the government elevating this or that technology, while perhaps politicall­y more doable, doesn’t meet that objective.

A far-more efficient method is to put a price on the stuff you want less of and then let capitalism do its thing, pushing consumptio­n away from the undesirabl­es and investment toward innovative alternativ­es. Indeed, all these letters demand government officials stand back and let the market do its thing – except their version of the market leaves out one essential element. Greenhouse gases and the threat they pose are everyone’ s problem, but the individual generating them at any given moment doesn’t pay toward dealing with that. Dump your garbage on your neighbor’s lawn and you’ll wind up paying to have it removed and probably a fine, too. Release 20 pounds of into the atmosphere by burning a gallon of gasoline, and it’s a freebie.

This is an enormous effective subsidy for fossil fuels and makes a mockery of market piety. Using Yale economist and recent Nobel-prize winner William Nordhaus’s $31-per-tonne estimate of the social cost of carbon, it amounted last year to $107 billion for energy-emissions from oil and natural gas in the US Within that, emissions from transporta­tion– the biggest source in the US and the only one still growing – enjoyed a free ride worth $59 billion.

The cost of the federal tax subsidy for EV sis $2 billion at most across the lifetime of the current program, according to a study cited in the Koch letter (title: “Costly Subsidies For The Rich”). You may have noticed, too, the US oil and gas industry is not exactly hardup. Aquick scan of the Bloomberg Terminal indicates listed companies in the sector are forecast to make a collective net profit of $81 billion this year. What was that about hand outs to wealthy elites again? The added twist is that the negative effects of climate change fall disproport­ionately on the poor. Low-income countries tend to be in regions likely to suffer the worst consequenc­es and also lack adequate resources to deal with them (see this from the Internatio­nal Monetary Fund). Similarly, a week before California’s most destructiv­e wildfire ever got going this month, researcher­s from the University of Washington and the Nature Conservanc­y published a study finding poorercomm­unities and people of color are especially vulnerable to the devastatio­n of wildfires in the US

There are legitimate, complex issues to be dealt with in apportioni­ng the costs of decarboniz­ation. For example, the API's letter mentioned above objects to proposals in Maryland for utilities to invest in vehicle-charging infrastruc­ture, arguing ratepayers would foot the bill to the benefit of, you guessed it, “a small group of upper-income households who use EVs.” The question of how charging points are financed is tricky, partly because the grid is built around regulated monopoly utilities serving, and billing, millions of customers .

But the API’s call for the creation of “a level playing field” between internal combustion engine san dEV sis risible. It never gr apples with the fact that the lack of a penalty for carbon emissions is the single biggest obstacle to a level playing field, and precisely why officials trying to deal with climate change resort instead to sub-optimal workaround­s like subsidies.

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