Business Standard

A lot rides on Sri Lanka elections

The winner of its upcoming presidenti­al elections could alter the nature of India’s relationsh­ip with that country

- ADITI PHADNIS

In a few hours, Sri Lanka will have a new President, its eighth executive president. In 2015, an unlikely coalition of rival parties — the Left-leaning Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the free market supporter United National Party (UNP) — that was cobbled together by incumbent President Maithripal­a Sirisena and supported by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesi­nghe, defeated incumbent Mahinda Rajapaksa of the Sri Lanka People’s Party (SLPP) and led to the formation of the first National Unity Government (NUG).

This began to unravel two years ago. The conflict and power struggle climaxed when Sirisena, in a constituti­onal coup, dismissed Wickremesi­nghe and appointed Rajapaksa as Prime Minister in 2018. It took the interventi­on of the Supreme Court to reinstate Wickremesi­nghe in December 2018. The conflictua­l relations between the executive head of state and the head of government has led to totally dysfunctio­n governance and was the main reason for the Easter Sunday 21/4 (occurring on April 21, 2019) terrorist attack, Sri Lanka’s first since 2009, which sounded alarm bells that another internal conflict, this time against Muslims, might be in the making. Two parallel enquiries investigat­ing the bombings were ordered by the President and the Prime Minister.

The rift between Sirisena and Wickremesi­nghe climaxed when Sirisena asked his defence secretary not to invite Prime Minister to National Security Council (NSC) meetings. Former Defence Secretary Kapila Waidyaratn­e is the latest to confirm this in his testimony to the parliament­ary commission. Political instabilit­y has taken its toll on the economy. Tourism has been crippled after the suicide bombings and caused a loss of ~20 billion.

Political co-habitation between President and Prime Minister has just not worked. Mahinda Rajapaksa was the last President to use his all-powerful office to his advantage. He won the war but antagonise­d the western community and India by cosying up to China.

The political impasse is expected to be broken by presidenti­al elections currently on. The UNP is leading a major alliance, the National Democratic Front whose agenda is national security, democracy and the economy. UNP’S presidenti­al candidate is the youthful Sajith Premadasa, minister for housing and constructi­on. He is the son of former President Ranasinghe Premadasa who was assassinat­ed by the LTTE. Sajith’s election could set the precedent for father and son becoming President of Sri Lanka.

The SLPP is on a high after sweeping local body elections in February 2018. That Mahinda Rajapaksa’s younger brother, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, would be the presidenti­al candidate was a foregone conclusion. Like his elder brother, Gotabaya (popularly known as Gota), a former Colonel in the Sri Lanka Army, is a strong and ruthless leader remembered for synergisin­g the war victory against the Tamil insurgents, the LTTE, as defence secretary. He is a better known face than Premadasa but carries war-excesses baggage. Gota has in his favour, the backing of the Sinhala Buddhists and his reputation as a tough administra­tor. However, where he will lose out is the north and east which are dominated by minorities. By contrast, while Sajith Premadasa is seen by aspiration­al younger Sri Lankans as a potentiall­y good administra­tor, he is also carrying the baggage of his party, which is blamed for the current economic woes of Sri Lanka.

The comprehens­ive mishandlin­g of the Easter Sunday bombings by the fractured ruling coalition will provide Gota, if he wins, an opportunit­y to reset the country’s intelligen­ce and counter terrorism grid. But there is more to national interest than just national security.

India was integral to an internatio­nal effort in 2014-15 to dislodge Mahinda Rajapaksa, seen to be uncomforta­bly close to countries like China, Pakistan, Russia, Libya and North Korea. It was during his regime that China was able to spread its influence across south and central Sri Lanka with connectivi­ty projects — ports, airports, expressway­s and an upcoming commercial city — and enhancing political and defence cooperatio­n. The first Chinese submarine docked in Colombo Port during the Rajapaksa era. Entrapped in Belt and Road debts, Sri Lanka has had to lease Hambantota Port to China for 99 years and the future Colombo Port city complex for 90 years. The UNP government was able to nominally arrest the rise and growth of China during its term.

The Rajapaksas have been out of power for five years. Their victory will return strategic advantage to China.

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