Business Standard

De-lockdown needs a better foundation

The Disaster Management Act, 2005, is ill suited to be the main economic law of the country

- AJAY SHAH The writer is a professor at National Institute of Public Finance and Policy, New Delhi

There was considerab­le concern when India began one of the most extreme lockdowns in the world. Significan­t progress on a pragmatic process of de-lockdown is now visible. There are weaknesses in the legal and institutio­nal apparatus through which economic policy is being done, in this environmen­t. It is likely that the pandemic will be with us for a while. Hence, there is merit in establishi­ng a better legal and institutio­nal foundation for economic policy for the pandemic.

Elsewhere in the world, the restrictio­ns associated with Covid-19 employ softer terms like “shelter in place”. In India, the more muscular term “lockdown” has become prominent. Researcher­s at the University of Oxford have classified the Indian actions as the most restrictiv­e in the whole world. Similarly, Amazon operates in many countries, and their decline of activity in India was the sharpest.

As the Indian economy had started out in early 2020 in reasonably poor shape, there was a lot of concern about this combinatio­n, of extreme measures impacting upon a weak economy. We now see that a pragmatic process of removing restrictio­ns has begun. The restrictio­ns were eased from April 18, and the announceme­nts of May 1 have carried this further.

India is comparable to the European Union in size and heterogene­ity; it makes sense to have highly differenti­ated approaches that reflect local conditions. Rather than a single policy framework for the whole country, we have gone to an approach that respects three different kinds of districts.

It would make sense to go further down this route. There is value in a more decentrali­sed approach. The tradeoffs between lives and livelihood­s vary with each 10 kilometres of distance. The sun sets in Assam at 6 pm and it sets in Gujarat at 7.20 pm, so one single rule about vehicles being forced to travel only from 7 am to 7 pm, for the whole country, is inappropri­ate. Similarly, the public health tradeoffs, about whether night time travel is an issue in fighting Covid-19, vary sharply across the country, and any rule that is appropriat­e for one place will be inappropri­ate for another. Hence, there is great value in local informatio­n, local problem solving, and local control of the social distancing restrictio­ns.

The key problem in the present situation is: The MHA Order No. 40-3/2020-DM-I(A) of May 1, 2020, which constitute­s economic policy. The words in this order have an enormous impact upon livelihood­s all across the country. The Disaster Management Act, 2005, was envisioned for dealing with an earthquake or a cyclone: It is a poor vehicle for the conduct of economic policy on a nationwide scale.

Economic policy works well when the liabilitie­s for violating rules are of a civil nature. All economic actions are conducted in the pursuit of financial gain, and the threat of a fine which is three times the ill-gotten gain suffices in removing the incentive to violate the law. But the Disaster Management Act imposes criminal liabilitie­s. This will create a strange dynamic between officials vs people.

For an analogy, we have seen the adverse consequenc­es of criminal liabilitie­s in the Foreign Exchange Regulation Act (1973), and the adverse consequenc­es of bringing criminal offences back into the Foreign Exchange Management Act in recent years. More generally, we have seen the fear induced by the expansion of criminal offences in numerous laws, for example, the Companies Act, in the last decade, and its adverse impact on the morale of private persons. With the Disaster Management Act as the main economic law in motion today, firms will be risk averse out of the threat of incarcerat­ion.

Economic policy works well when there is the slow, intellectu­al, consultati­ve process of understand­ing problems, undertakin­g cost benefit analysis, finding the least coercive interventi­on, and making small moves. Such institutio­nalised applicatio­n of mind is born of provisions in laws that establish formal processes for wielding coercive power. The Disaster Management Act, 2005, does not have these checks and balances, as it was never intended to be a key economic law.

Wielding the coercive power of the state is a complex process involving legislator­s, the executive, jurisprude­nce, and many checks and balances. There are a thousand questions about every element of coercion that need to be clarified through explicit drafting of law, through subordinat­e legislatio­n and through jurisprude­nce. That process has not taken place around the Disaster Management Act or the Order of May 1, 2020. As a consequenc­e, there are numerous grey areas about what can be done and what cannot be done. There is considerab­le discretion with millions of officials, all across the country, in deciding who to permit and who to ban.

All too often, in the Indian bureaucrat­ic culture, there is low accountabi­lity for good outcomes, and there is a great fear of getting into trouble when something goes wrong. This gives officials the incentive to be biased in favour of bans. As an example, all the major countries of the world are signatorie­s to the Financial Action Task Force, but there is no country where its translatio­n into ground reality (KYC and Aadhaar) is more unfriendly to the people. This problem affects the drafting and the implementa­tion of rules about social distancing. All across the country, individual­s face demeaning experience­s with officials throwing their weight around. This saps the morale, optimism and self-respect which is of essence in achieving economic dynamism.

The market economy is an exquisitel­y complex ecosystem of myriad voluntary interactio­ns between self-interested people. The use of coercive power of the state has major consequenc­es for the market economy. While the much needed restoratio­n of normalcy began on April 18 and has gone forward on May 1, the problem of Covid-19 is not an earthquake or a flood; it is not localised and it will not end quickly. Policymake­rs need to recognise the complexiti­es associated with major economic policy actions that are implemente­d at the level of the union government through the Disaster Management Act, and find solutions for these problems.

 ?? ILLUSTRATI­ON: AJAY MOHANTY ??
ILLUSTRATI­ON: AJAY MOHANTY
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