Business Standard

Asia needs India for post-covid cooperatio­n

India’s pivotal position in South Asia, its strong economic ties with ASEAN+6 countries and its presence in the G20 make its participat­ion critical as Asia provides leadership for global economic recovery

- SUMAN BERY, CHATIB BASRI & PETER DRYSDALE

Four months into the Covid-19 pandemic, the world is still facing a health crisis and the prospect of lasting economic stagnation. Internatio­nal economic cooperatio­n will be vital to managing the crisis and supporting recovery through trade, stabilisin­g markets, rapid reopening of business supply chains and resumption of internatio­nal travel. Countries in Asia are struggling to reconcile health imperative­s with economic revival. Failure to navigate judiciousl­y between these two will cause avoidable deaths, intensify economic hardship (highly regressive within countries and across the globe) and deepen social disruption.

The task of defining a sustainabl­e way forward is urgent. Strategic competitio­n between the United States and China makes a coordinate­d global response more difficult than in previous crises. On account of their interconne­ctedness, their current weight in global production and their growth potential, Asian economies could be central to global recovery. Struck first by the virus, they are positioned to restart their economies sooner. A compact for regional cooperatio­n between major Asian nations can therefore be globally significan­t.

An Asian expert group, of which we three are members, was convened by the Asian Bureau of Economic Research. Its Asian Covid19 recovery strategy, released on June 3, calls for ASEAN+6 nations (ASEAN’S 10 members plus China, Japan, South Korea, India, Australia and New Zealand) rapidly to coordinate financial, trade, public health and food security action, and, through this leadership, encourage the United States and Europe to join their initiative.

The paper identifies six important objectives for this initiative:

Persuade global central banks and finance ministries to expand bilateral currency swap arrangemen­ts and agree on a sizeable new issuance of the IMF’S special drawing rights (SDRS) to create a stronger regional financial safety net. This would expand macroecono­mic policy space for developing countries (within the region and globally) thereby serving a central Indian interest.

Support the developmen­t, production and equitable distributi­on in Asia of diagnostic tests, a vaccine, and treatments through collective commitment of funds to the WHO’S Covid-19 Tools (ACT) Accelerato­r and the expansion of the Covid-19 ASEAN Response Fund to include ASEAN+6 nations.

Keep regional medical and food markets open. It is essential to avoid restrictio­ns on trade in medical equipment and supplies after critical domestic needs have been met. With its important role in pharmaceut­ical goods trade, India is seen as a central player in this regime and has led by example. Similarly, regional food security will depend on access to internatio­nal markets and the removal of any export restrictio­ns that have been imposed. Current bilateral initiative­s to keep food trade open can be consolidat­ed into a regional agreement.

Speed up the developmen­t of protocols for health certificat­ion for internatio­nal travel. This will fast-track the resumption of internatio­nal commerce as well as travel for study, scientific exchange, temporary labour movement, and tourism. Getting experts together to work through the issues is the first step.

Embrace digital transforma­tion that Covid has brought to health management. Asia can initiate a proactive agenda for collective governance of digital infrastruc­ture that includes regulatory coherence, privacy standards and data sharing. This is now essential to new work practices, production innovation, supply chain management and delivery of goods and services, including government services.

Conclude the Regional Comprehens­ive Economic Partnershi­p (RCEP) agreement immediatel­y to ensure regional trade solidarity. Early conclusion of the RCEP with 15 members is on the slipway and will send a global signal on Asia’s willingnes­s to maintain open markets for trade and investment, and to ensure food security. The RCEP-15 countries are committed to economic cooperatio­n with India; keep open a path for eventual Indian membership; and to promote broader economic cooperatio­n with South Asia.

By design the report is Asean-centred, as this helps to circumvent well known strategic tensions in the region. Despite this India has reasons to engage wholeheart­edly. One is India’s economic, political and intellectu­al leadership in South Asia, a region with strong growth potential but dependent on stable regional and global rules. Prime Minister Modi’s initiative in convening a summit meeting of leaders of the South Asian Associatio­n for Regional Cooperatio­n (Saarc) countries as early as March 15 was a landmark in this regard.

Second, India’s economic heft and growth potential; its balanced economic and political relations with the US, China, Europe and Japan; and its powerful voice in regional financial institutio­ns, including the Asian Developmen­t Bank, the New Developmen­t Bank (Brics Bank) and the Asian Infrastruc­ture Investment Bank (AIIB), all make its presence indispensa­ble. To these more formal links one should add PM Modi’s energetic personal diplomacy and India’s links to other impacted large emerging markets such as Russia, Brazil and South Africa through the Brics grouping.

A third reason is India’s presence and standing in the G20, where it is a standing cochair of the Framework Working Group (under the Finance track) and will hold the rotating presidency in 2022. One might also mention its close ties with countries in sub-saharan Africa, which are at an early stage in the pandemic. Like ASEAN, these countries welcome India’s constructi­ve human and financial engagement in their region.

The political foundation­s for accelerate­d regional policy action in East Asia were laid at a summit of ASEAN+3 (10 ASEAN leaders together with China, Japan and Korea) on April 14. That meeting committed to health and economic policy coordinati­on across the participat­ing countries. Indonesia played a crucial role in that initiative, which provides an example of how strategic tensions need not militate against constructi­ve cooperatio­n. Indonesia’s heft in ASEAN (as well as its G20 membership) permits it, and ASEAN as a collective, to work with key neighbours in meeting the emerging challenges of dealing with the virus.

Asia can act to implement this agenda through its ASEAN, ASEAN+3 and ASEAN+6 arrangemen­ts, engaging the East Asian Summit countries including the United States and Russia, and APEC and G20 forums, while stepping up to lead WTO and IMF reforms. Coordinati­on through regional and multilater­al frameworks will increase the capacity of all Asian nations to contribute constructi­vely to regional and global recovery.

Bery was director-general, National Council of Applied Economic Research, New Delhi. He is currently Non-resident Fellow at the Brussels thinktank Bruegel; Basri is Professor at the University of Indonesia and former Indonesian finance minister; Peter Drysdale is Emeritus Professor of economics and Head of the Asian Bureau of Economic Research in the Crawford School of Public Policy at The Australian National University. They were among the contributi­ng experts to the paper, An Asian Strategy for Recovery and Reconstruc­tion after Covid-19 (available here: eaber.org/covid19)

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