Business Today

Defanging the CCI

WITH THE SUPREME COURT REDUCING ITS POWERS, VIOLATORS WILL GET AWAY EASILY.

- By ABRAHAM C. MATHEWS

With the SC reducing its powers, violators will get away easily

Indian economic regulators were birds of prey, then the Competitio­n Commission of India ( CCI) was the eagle, the king of the skies. If you were in its grasp, you paid for it dearly.

Last month, the Supreme Court of India clipped the CCI’s claws.

The appeal in the Supreme Court was brought by the manufactur­ers of Aluminium Phosphide Tablets, an oral pesticide. For eight years, four manufactur­ers of APTs (one of them dropped out in between) had quoted identical prices in response to tenders floated by the Food Corporatio­n of India, or collective­ly abstained from bidding.

The Commission found them guilty of collusion, an offence under Section 3 of the Competitio­n Act 2002, and fined the three remaining players a total of over `315 crore. Now, neither the Competitio­n Appellate Tribunal ( COMPAT) nor the Supreme Court found them not guilty of the offence. However, in penalising them, it adopted a novel approach with specious reasoning, bringing down the penalty to around `10 crore for all the three companies cumulative­ly.

The Most-feared Regulator

But some background first. The CCI compared to its peers, had an unenviable job. Unlike the Securities and Exchange Board of India, it does not have a monitoring mechanism to survey potential violators. Nor, like the Reserve Bank of India, does it have a regulatory strangleho­ld over its hemisphere that compels acquiescen­ce with its diktats.

What it had, instead, was the power to punish. And punish it did. Be it the `630 crore fine on real estate major DLF for saddling some of its flat-buyers with unilateral and unfair changes to their flat- purchase agreements, the cumulative penalty of `6,714 crore on 10 cement majors for colluding to keep prices artificial­ly high, or the `2,545-crore penalty on 14 automobile manufactur­ers for making spare-parts prohibitiv­ely expensive while prohibitin­g buyers from purchasing them from the open market at lower prices.

And many would argue that was just as well. In its fight against market manipulati­on, often its only ally, is the fear it induces in potential violators. Very rarely do victims of anti-competitiv­e practices come forward to complain – either because they continue to have commercial dealings with the abuser, or sometimes because of the economic might of a dominant enterprise or a cartel (which, by the very fact, controls a large part of the potential market). And even then, conviction­s are few and far between, since often practices take the nature of a wink and a nod, leaving no trail of evidence that an investigat­or can haul up in court.

Therefore, more often than not, effective implementa­tion of competitio­n law relies on self-policing by monopolist­ic organisati­ons, out of fear of harsh penalties, as well as disclosure­s by members of cartels in exchange for immunity.

And that is under threat now. The Supreme Court granted sanctity to a new formula evolved by the COMPAT, Relevant Turnover, under which the penalties imposed by the CCI would not consider the entire turnover of an enterprise, but only the turnover of the business vertical that was engaged in the actual violation. On the face of it, that is welcome. If, for instance, a company like ITC – only hypothetic­ally - formed a cartel with other manufactur­ers of notebooks, and were found guilty, it should not be fined a percentage of its entire turnover, including the money it made from selling cigarettes, because their cigarette business has nothing to do whatsoever with its standing in the notebooks business.

Specious Reasoning

In arriving there, the Tribunal, as well as the apex court, relies on two main arguments. Firstly, fining on the basis of Relevant Turnover is a global practice, and secondly, otherwise, penalties would become too harsh for companies to bear, and thus, would dissuade investment. Nothing could be more fallacious.

But to understand that, it is essential to look at two other cases where the Tribunal has similar reasoning. Firstly, where manufactur

ers of LPG cylinders were found to be engaged in price rigging, the Tribunal modified the penalty imposed by the CCI to consider only the turnover of “14.2 litre cylinders” manufactur­ed by the company. Similarly, in the auto-parts case, car manufactur­ers were found to be abusing their dominance over their consumers by prohibitin­g them from approachin­g an independen­t dealer to get their parts repaired or replaced, and while doing that, marking up the price at which they sold these components to the consumer, sometimes by as much as 20 times, and making a huge profit. Here the Tribunal computed relevant turnover as the turnover from just the sale of spare parts, even though the order clearly recognises the fact that the position of dominance came from having sold the car in the first place, thus making the buyer a “captive consumer”. In the present case, the COMPAT considered the sales from only Aluminium Phosphide Tablets, disregardi­ng the other products for which the same companies may have similarly bid to government companies.

So, how does foreign law look at this? The EU fining guidelines use the concept of Relevant Sales, but includes within its reach, both direct and indirect sales, that contribute­d to the infringeme­nt. Therefore, the regulator would not look merely at the turnover to which the actual violation relates, but also the turnover on the basis of which the dominance was achieved – in the auto-parts example, the sale of cars.

Neither is the argument that penalties cannot be harsh tenable, especially for legislatio­n that is intended to be preventive. For example, the penalty for insider trading is a minimum of `25 crore, and can go up to three times the profits made from the trading. Similarly, under the Narcotic Drugs and Psychotrop­ic Substances Act, 1985, a second conviction for the same offence can sometimes bring with it the death penalty. Both SEBI laws, as well as the Competitio­n Act permit the regulator discretion to impose a smaller penalty in case the infringeme­nt was not serious, or had limited damage to the wider public, but it is unwise to strip the Regulator of that discretion.

Finally, the argument that huge fines will dissuade investment is just the familiar bogeyman. Anti-trust violations, or lacerating fines, are not unique to India. Further, the whole purpose of Competitio­n law is to protect consumers from the abusive power of large corporatio­ns. So, for the court to side with the potential violator defeats the very purpose of the law.

It’s the Thought That Counts

Violation of Competitio­n law (either monopolist­ic behaviour or cartelisat­ion) is never entered into for small profits. In fact, any upsetting of the market equilibriu­m is intended to gain super-normal profits. If that be the case, then is 10 per cent of affected turnover a strong enough deterrent? If the companies are threatened with only a 10 per cent of their turnover, which could often be a fraction of the profits they make out of the unlawful activity, then indulging in such practices can suddenly become more attractive.

Secondly, often the relevant business, which is the “affected business” need not be the one where the abusive power comes from. In fact, it is not even necessary that the benefit that an enterprise derives from an abuse of dominance is monetary. Take for example, a leading car manufactur­er that imposes onerous conditions on trucks that are engaged to carry newly manufactur­ed cars to the showroom. What would be the relevant turnover in this case? Going by the judgment, it would be the amount that pertains to the business of transporti­ng cars, miniscule. But what if the trucks were forced to agree to tracking mechanisms that revealed its whereabout­s when it serviced rival carmakers? Now that would be invaluable informatio­n, beyond the reach of the regulator. ~ (The writer is an advocate practising in the Supreme Court)

EFFECTIVE IMPLEMENTA­TION OF COMPETITIO­N LAW DEPENDS ON SELF-POLICING BY MONOPOLIST­IC ORGANISATI­ONS, OUT OF FEAR OF HARSH PENALTIES

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