BusinessLine (Bangalore)

EFTA deal and the Swiss challenge

TRADE VIGIL. India should watch out for a reset in Switzerlan­dEU ties and Switzerlan­d’s FTA with China After Switzerlan­d pulled out of trade talks with EU it has shared a testy relationsh­ip with the bloc. But the recent reset in ties could impact Indian

- SANGEETA GODBOLE The writer is a former IRS officer and a former trade negotiator with EFTA and EU. Her research interests lie in trade and environmen­t

The IndiaEFTA TEPA deal has been signed, but will be implemente­d only after ratificati­on by all five members. Post implementa­tion, a couple of external factors need careful attention.

Switzerlan­d, which is undoubtedl­y the largest partner in the bloc, has a thriving FTA with China. In January 2024, the two partners signed an agreement to deepen and upgrade their trade relationsh­ip. Iceland, also an EFTA member, is the only other country not in China’s immediate neighbourh­ood, to have an FTA with China. India has been quite reticent about any trade agreement with China.

Would Chinese goods find easy preferenti­al entry into India via the Swiss? India seems to battle influx on Chinese goods through the ASEAN FTA route, despite tight Rules of Origin clauses. Would India now face a similar situation visàvis Iceland and Switzerlan­d too? While rules of origin do exist, there are worries over whether these can be circumvent­ed. This issue requires some considerat­ion.

Secondly, the SwissEU relationsh­ip is undergoing a fundamenta­l reset, after a period of turbulence. In 2014 the two sides commenced bilateral negotiatio­ns for an Institutio­nal Framework Agreement (IFA) to update the old agreements, at EU’s insistence, since these agreements had become obsolete. After a prolonged seven years of negotiatio­ns the Swiss unilateral­ly terminated the negotiatio­ns on May 26, 2021.

Consequent­ly, on the same day DirectorGe­neral, Health, EU declared that the existing mutual recognitio­n agreements (MRAs) with the Swiss had ceased to apply. Among other problems, the Swiss medical devices exports to EU estimated at over €5.5 billion annually, suddenly lost duty free, smooth access to EU. Swiss manufactur­ers, now equivalent to any third country manufactur­ers, need their products certified by conformity assessment bodies establishe­d in the EU.

Although legal experts called out the EU action as illegal, in violation of EU law and the WTO Rules, the situation continues today with Swiss medical devices exports having the status of a nonassocia­ted third country. European Parliament’s recent report of July 25, 2023, on SwissEU relations unsubtly states in para 26 that that this could also possibly apply in the future for mechanical engineerin­g, machinery, constructi­on products and artificial intelligen­ce. The report squarely lays the responsibi­lity of this barrier to Swiss exports at the nonrenewal of the 2002 MRA.

From the EU’s perspectiv­e, it is extremely important to keep its flock of all 27 members as well as the EEA members together and in line. EU’s recurring regulatory measures call for effective and efficient implementa­tion. EU cannot afford to allow any member to access its market and other programmes freely without abiding by its rules. It has, therefore, given even the Swiss some harsh treatment.

To further assert their position the EU Commission on June 17, 2021, excluded Swiss legal entities from their flagship Horizon 2020 (an research funding programme). Switzerlan­d had received a CHF 2.7 billion in funding under this programme and was at the top of associated countries.

This move by the EU also excluded the Swiss from the European Strategy Forum on Research Infrastruc­tures.

COHESION FUND

Another prickly issue was the Swiss strategy of using Cohesion Fund payments to EU as a leverage. The Cohesion Fund has been establishe­d to reduce regional and economic disparitie­s within EU. The Fund largely provides support to Eastern and Southern EU countries for projects relating to innovation, research, environmen­t, climate change, competitiv­eness, inclusion etc.

Switzerlan­d, despite being the largest of the EFTA partners had lagged in payment of cohesion fund contributi­on. The previous tranche was around CHF 1 billion in 2012.

In 2019, the Swiss Parliament blocked the 2nd tranche of CHF 1.302 billion, stating that it was to be released only if EU adopted a nondiscrim­inatory stance visàvis Switzerlan­d. This was a reflection of the EU being unable to accommodat­e Swiss concerns in the IFA being negotiated at that time.

Subsequent­ly, the same was released on September 30, 2021. The other three EFTA countries have paid a massive €2.8 billion from 20142021 to the EU for its Cohesion Fund. They continue to contribute. India will have to be vigilant about EFTA investment commitment­s on this background. Given that the Swiss need strong EU pressure to pay up its cohesion fund commitment­s, will they also need some prodding from Indian side?

The Swiss desire to remain an ‘independen­t’ entity and its confidence that it could do so was apparent since the 1992 Swiss referendum. Swiss people rejected the idea of a membership of the EEA. Interestin­gly the other three members of EFTA — Iceland, Lichtenste­in and Norway belong to the EEA. The Swiss deliberate­ly chose to remain as independen­t as possible from EU although EU is by far their single largest trading partner. Interestin­gly, in its Foreign Economic Policy report of January 2024, the Swiss Federal Council has lauded India’s ability to straddle relationsh­ips with partners of all hues. ‘India pursues an interestsd­riven policy of maintainin­g good economic relations with all actors in an increasing­ly polarised world’, it observes.

SWISS DILEMMA

However, the Swiss urge for an independen­t global position may be subjugated by its market access priorities since Switzerlan­d is again back to prioritisi­ng its relationsh­ip with EU.

The two sides recommence­d explorator­y talks in March 2022 for a broad bilateral package. The resulting SwissEU Common Understand­ing of October 2023 calls for a ‘dynamic alignment’ between Swiss and EU Regulation, with Swiss hoping for decisionsh­aping access to EU’s regulatory processes.

If this happens, India may expect the same regulatory hurdles in the EFTA market that it faces in the EU, sooner rather than later. Will Switzerlan­d/EFTA then also adopt CBAM, deforestat­ion and other upcoming EU measures? Or will it support its FTA partners in obtaining concession­s? The former is more likely, going by EU’s past actions. Again, awareness and vigilance from the Indian side would reap good outcomes.

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