Janata janardhan
them with calculated determination. Indeed, the study of the voting pattern of the Indian voter, and even, separately, the woman voter, is fascinating and insightful — but it would be a long and time-consuming engagement. However, the briefest of glimpses of some interesting moments of Indian electoral voting patterns show the pioneering mind of the electorate.
Tamil Nadu, for example, was the very first state in the country where regional language was used as a very potent electoral issue. In 1967, while the Congress promoted a three-language formula — Hindi, Tamil and English — the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam fought a pitched battle against what they called the “imposition of Hindi” by the Central government. Students all over the state got hugely involved in the campaign, and finally the Congress government was defeated, including its tallest leader, K. Kamaraj (by a young student), on the issue of Tamil. This happened in 1967, and since then no Congress government has ever been able to capture power in Tamil Nadu. Power has since then alternated between the DMK and the All-India Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam.
Tamil Nadu was also the first state where the power and hold of movies over politics was proved, with the election of M.G. Ramachandran as chief minister. As a Tamilian it was a fascinating experience for me to see how people projected, quite literally, MGR’s larger-than-life movie image of the perennial hero and champion of the poor onto his real-life persona, and voted for him in droves. Until today, MGR retains that image in Tamil Nadu politics. N.T. Rama Rao in neighbouring Andhra Pradesh came later. The US, in fact, elected Ronald Reagan much later than Tamil Nadu had set the trend.
The other major highlight in India was the emergence of identity and caste-based politics, as typified by Lalu Prasad Yadav and Mulayam Singh Yadav. In two of India’s largest states, identity and caste politics dominated the pollscape, and the minds and attitudes of people for over a decade, until the youth and ordinary people decided that enough was enough and “bijli sadak pani” became the new buzzwords for election.
People, it appeared, were tired of identity politics and were aspirational, particularly the youth. They wanted a government which would look after their basic needs — roads, infrastructure, jobs, education and drinking water . And thus, they stopped buying into the identity syndrome.
The advent of Kanshi Ram, followed by Mayawati, marked a turn in identity politics, the likes of which had rarely been seen before. That particular phenomenon, in my view, is still evolving. The famous experiment in which Mayawati tied up with upper caste brahmins in Uttar Pradesh and succeeded magnificently did not last very long. However, the Mayawati phenomenon is still potent, and evolving. The vast majority of our electorate consists of Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes voters, and it is very clear that they have found their voice and are not afraid to express their views, through Mayawati in Uttar Pradesh, and through others in other parts of India.
The Aam Aadmi Party story is yet to unfold fully. Without going into the nuances of the political party itself, it is important to understand that beyond the compelling aspirations of the young people who make up the majority of India's electorate today, aspirations for education, jobs, of a lifestyle that keeps improving, the demands of the rural poor for better health, for food security, for opportunities equal to others in urban areas is a collective yearning across all barriers of caste, creed, age, geographic location and everything else — the collective yearning is to instal a government that can be trusted, which is corruptionfree and is capable of good and decisive governance. This sin- gle yearning is apparent in every comment made by every person who is asked for their opinion. Each expresses it differently, but the core of the message remains the same.
From the time of Mahatma Gandhi it is well known that Indians respect nothing more than sacrifice and renunciation. That is why the Mahatma remains our most revered leader even today. This one virtue appeals to Indians far more than virtually anything else. The majority of the political class, however, is yet to internalise this. It is impossible to predict the outcome of these elections. Nevertheless, it may be safely assumed that the verdict which will be delivered by the Indian electorate on May 16, will be categorical and meaningful. People will express their views clearly. It is for the political class to interpret it properly and undertake the onerous responsibility of governance in a way which will truly reflect the mandate of the people.
The author is a political activist, and the views expressed
in this column are her own