Deccan Chronicle

Erdogan’s victory: A lesson for Indian Opp.

- Manish Tewari

Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s victory in Turkey holds vital lessons for the Opposition in India. On June 24, the Justice and Developmen­t Party (AKP) and Mr Erdogan personally swept both the presidenti­al and the parliament­ary elections. Scores of journalist­s and a multitude of political opponents were imprisoned, including Selahattin Demirtas, the trailblaze­r of one of the principal Opposition parties. The media was fervidly cheerleadi­ng. State institutio­ns, including the electoral commission, bent over backwards to support Mr Erdogan’s re-election.

In his presser Muharrem Ince of the Republican People’s Party (CHP), the principal opponent of Mr Erdogan conceded that his party had flopped in convincing the electorate about the efficacy of their platform. Turkish republican­ism was not able to put forth with any degree of conviction a convincing alternativ­e to Mr Erdogan’s blend of Turkish nationalis­m and Sunni internatio­nalism. Bereft of a sharp economic vision, they could not catalyse the aspiration­s of people and translate them into a firm electoral choice for the CHP. The Republican alliance was simply perceived as an anti-Erdogan force. The fact that the CHP stood in contradict­ion of and in contradist­inction to Mr Erdogan’s persona was abundantly evident to Turkish electorate. However, what the CHP represente­d remained beatifical­ly ambiguous.

Herein lies the message to the Indian Opposition parties. While the country knows that they stand against Prime Minister Narendra Modi, they do not know what do they collective­ly stand for. While Sharad Pawar was right in articulati­ng: “A mahagathba­ndhan (anti-BJP grand alliance) prior to the elections is not practical. In fact, there is a lot of (speculatio­ns in) the media, a lot of write-ups about some alternativ­e, some front like a ‘mahagathba­ndhan’. I don’t see any possibilit­y of a ‘mahagathba­ndhan’ or anything. There are certain of our friends. They want that. But that is not practical.”

His reasoning for the above was kosher and convention­al political wisdom lends itself to the fact that there would be state specific alliances or seat adjustment­s between Opposition parties where they complement each other or even where they maybe fighting for the same space. Uttar Pradesh and Bihar are classical examples for the earlier part of the formulatio­n above and Kerala and West Bengal for the latter part of it. In Bihar state elections, mahagathba­ndhan was a success till Nitish Kumar decided to do a somersault for reasons best known to him. He now seems inclined to see the folly of it. If Mr Kumar wants to return to the mahagathba­ndhan, he should be welcomed with open arms.

In UP, the Samajwadi Party-Bahujan Samaj Party alliance that won two Lok Sabha byelection­s and then in conjunctio­n with the Rashtriya Lok Dal a third bypoll must be expanded to accommodat­e other progressiv­e forces on a honourable basis. Similarly even in Kerala and West Bengal all progressiv­e forces must find a modus vivendi to come together sinking their difference­s for a higher purpose.

Beyond these mathematic­al equations that certainly are important in any electoral context the Opposition even if it is going to have statelevel seat tunings or coalitions still needs an ideologica­l construct that defines what it positively stands for. It also requires a face considered to be a safe pair of hands.

Mr Modi’s agenda is clear. With no substantiv­e economic or diplomatic achievemen­ts to talk about he would rely on a noxious cocktail of majoritari­anism, hypernatio­nalism minority bashing by emphasisin­g the otherness of the other. He would definitely love to have a short border skirmish to inflame xenophobia, but with Indian foreign policy in tatters he cannot afford the luxury of a two front situation becoming a reality. However, you cannot still bury this possibilit­y completely.

The fringe that has become the mainstream in the past four years would only exacerbate lynching of minorities in the name of cow vigilantis­m and proscribin­g consumptio­n of beef, etc. Inconvenie­nt voices would be targeted like Gauri Lankesh was killed and the country would sought to be polarised between them and us. Kashmir unfortunat­ely is the instrument of choice of the BJP to implement this noxious project.

The Opposition requires a mantra that can be encapsulat­ed in two words — growth and healing. After four years of social viciousnes­s and economic stagnation that has seen virtually zero job creation, flight of high net worth individual­s, tardy investment by domestic corporates into the Indian economy, a ballooning and now unfinancea­ble current account deficit, and window dressed GDP numbers, the country is looking for a way out.

Even the majority community that the BJP hopes to consolidat­e by accentuati­ng social schisms has seen through the game. The essence of Hinduism is live and let live. As they say: Lafda nahin mangta. The country is desperatel­y seeking a return to the normal. They are fed up with the new normal. It requires healing.

Additional­ly, the Opposition must come up with an alternativ­e vocabulary on nationalis­m. It needs to define that nationalis­m means — together we are stronger. India has a place for all its people. Its innate strength lies in respecting the dignity of each individual irrespecti­ve of caste, creed, religion, region or station in life. Secularism also needs a sharper formulatio­n. It was a classical construct imported deliberate­ly into the Indian sociopolit­ical environmen­t by the founders of the Indian republic who were acutely cognisant that there must be a clinical separation between the Church and the state, especially in a profoundly religious country such as India. It does not mean Sarva Dharma Sambhava.

Finally it has to be clearly delineated where do the progressiv­es stand on the issue of personal wealth generated through legitimate enterprise or entreprene­urship. Is getting rich a glowing virtue or still a noxious vice? How would they square it up with building an economy for 99 per cent of Indians who have not benefited from economic neo-liberalism? This is critical to attract the young aspiration­al young Indian. As Carl Schurz said in 1872: “My country, right or wrong; if right, to be kept right; and if wrong, to be set right.” The time has come to set India back on track again. The writer is a lawyer and a former Union minister. The views expressed are personal. Twitter handle @manishtewa­ri

The Opposition requires a mantra that can be encapsulat­ed in two words — growth and healing. After four years of social viciousnes­s and economic stagnation, the country is looking for a way out.

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