Deccan Chronicle

A cautionary tale for our decision-makers

- Sanjeev Ahluwalia The writer is adviser, Observer Research Foundation

Recruitmen­t should be position based for specific terms contractua­lly defined, and not for entering a cadre or a service. This allows a ‘second chance’ to ‘late bloomers’.

Formal sector jobs in India are scarce and are highly regarded. The most generous assumption (Economic Survey

FY2018) is that there are only 127 million formal jobs in 10 million enterprise­s, either registered under GST, the Employees State Insurance Scheme or Employees Provident Fund Organisati­on. Add another 18 million jobs in the government and the total formal sector employment is

145 million, or 61 per cent of the 238 million total non-farm jobs.

The remaining 93 million people work in 62 million private enterprise­s which are neither registered under GST nor under the employee insurance or pension schemes.

Overlay this construct with the income-tax data for the same year and the situation becomes even worse. Only 47 million individual­s (out of 145 million); 1.1 million partnershi­p firms and 0.8 million companies (out of 10 million) filed income-tax returns. The rest, while being a part of the formal sector, remained outside the income-tax net.

Taxable income kicks in at the miserly `2.5 lakhs per year. Consequent­ly, this set of

47 million income-tax payers (20 per cent of the non-farm workforce) comprise those who are either rich enough to get an income without working; the well-off selfemploy­ed or employees in the formal sector. Of this privileged set, about

40 per cent (18 million) are those who work in the government and the public sector.

The top one per cent of the population — around

13 million people — comprising business elites, political dynasties, landowning “kulaks”, caste elites with muscle, storied filmstars and entertaine­rs, the children of top business executives, doctors, lawyers, chartered accountant­s and the senior bureaucrac­y, are born into the “izzat” of “good families”. They trace their family history over a few generation­s. They are networked with those who count in public life, live in exclusive areas and seven decades after the British left, still exude the elitist hauteur of the Raj.

Of course, things have changed. Technology and economic liberalisa­tion have initiated the growth of new entreprene­urs from amongst the middle class who in turn have created new job opportunit­ies in the cities. But for the average person in the eponymous middle class - a classifica­tion which spans everyone who is neither in the top 10 per cent nor in the desperatel­y poor, bottom 40 per cent earning less than `15,000 per family per month — you have to earn your “izzat”. Prime Minister Narendra Modi is a good example of such “fire in the belly”, as indeed was the industrial­ist who came in from nowhere — Dhirubhai Ambani.

Becoming rich is a sure way of getting there. Crime is an option for daredevils. Business is for the brave. But the average middle class child aims to excel at studies in school and then college, hoping to get into one of the top 10,000 companies or the senior echelons of the government. It is this set of around five million middle class children, who look for “good” jobs every year, for whom heartbreak is just one slip away.

Can the government do something to reduce the pressure on such kids? Increasing the number of "good" jobs is the best option. But it is well beyond the capacity of the government to provide these jobs. At best, it can restructur­e its workforce to substitute low skilled workers with skilled profession­als as the former retire.

Profession­als constitute at best 12 per cent of total government employees, so even doubling the strength of profession­als only adds around two million "good" jobs over 20 years at the expense of not replacing around 0.1 million low-skilled jobs lost due to attrition every year. This is very minimal relative to the demand for jobs.

The government can reduce the stress of the “make or break” system of recruitmen­t it currently follows, whereby you can only join a cadre at a young age. Recruitmen­t should be position based for specific terms contractua­lly defined, and not for entering a cadre or a service. This mechanism allows a “second chance” to “late bloomers” and “late adapters”. It is a superior option to increasing the maximum age of entry with multiple attempts to “crack” the entrance examinatio­ns.

If the states and local bodies follow a similar strategy, around 0.3 million profession­al positions could be recruited annually on an open competitiv­e basis against transparen­t and strict eligibilit­y criteria. Small beans, but useful options for a career switch.

The large private sector is similarly unlikely to add significan­tly to jobs. The focus there is on robotics and automation, not just in manufactur­ing but even in the service industry like food delivery and e-retail.

The real opportunit­y for growing jobs lies in the 62 million small and medium enterprise­s, which currently employ around 93 million people. This is neither easy, nor can the pace be forced. The task is highly specialise­d. It needs local organisati­ons with the financial resources and experience to mentor entreprene­urs till they operate at scale.

To create millions of “good” profession­al jobs, we need at least a 20-year programme of financial support at commercial rates of interest; handson management support and oversight by experience­d profession­als. The availabili­ty of easy money through subsidised loans, like the Mudra scheme, is inefficien­t. Money should never be cheap if it is to be used well.

Nor must failure be held against an entreprene­ur. Instead, prompt corrective action can ensure that loans are not misused for consumptio­n and fit the size and time profile of each proposed investment. We are blessed, says Nitin Desai, a former chief economic adviser to the Union government, that the Indian economy is government-proof. An annual real growth of seven per cent can by itself end poverty by 2040, if it's combined with targeted income support measures. Improved education, health and infrastruc­ture services will similarly enhance well-being.

But unless we can create an additional 100 million “good” jobs by then, the youthful energy pouring out from our demographi­c dividend can be dissipated in wasteful anger and hate. It is a cautionary tale, told by an idiot, for clear thinking decision-makers.

 ??  ??

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from India