Deccan Chronicle

With trust as weapon, forge a Naya Kashmir

- Pavan K. Varma Chanakya’s View The writer, an author and a former diplomat, is in politics

Chanakya had a basic dictum: you cannot rule a people against their will. Perpetual intimidati­on of an unwilling populace is a tempting but unworkable solution. You have to win the trust of those you govern. It is good that this principle is at last being followed by the BJP government at the Centre where Kashmir is concerned. The importance of Prime Minister Modi’s meeting with 14 leaders from Kashmir on June 24 has to be understood in this context.

Since August 5, 2019, when Article 370 was revoked, the people of Kashmir have literally been incarcerat­ed in their own homes. Landline, mobile and Internet connection­s were cut; as many as 3,800 political leaders and activists were jailed or put under house arrest; curfews and lockdowns were imposed; and an army of troops and police personnel converted the Valley into occupied barracks.

The time to break through this impasse was long overdue. The PM himself acknowledg­ed that he would have had the meeting earlier, where he could meet leaders face to face instead of virtually, but for Covid.

The most important takeaway from the meeting was that the principal Opposition parties in Kashmir, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and the National Conference (NC), attended. Both Farooq Abdullah and Mehbooba Mufti were present. The second takeaway was that, in spite of the strong feelings in both these parties against the abrogation of Article 370 — on which the Centre would not yield — there was no veto on discussion­s, and other issues of great import could be discussed.

The discussion on Article 370 was deflected by the simple fact that the question of its constituti­onality was before the Supreme Court (SC) and, therefore, sub judice. There is, indeed, a good case for the reservatio­ns of the Kashmiri parties on the manner in which Article was revoked. According to the Constituti­on, while 370 is a temporary measure and can be done away with, this step requires a recommenda­tion from the J&K Assembly. This was not obtained. The Assembly had been suspended. There was President’s rule. The powers of the Assembly were being exercised by the Centre directly through the governor. The government thus obtained the recommenda­tion from the governor, their own nominee. That was tantamount to seeking concurrenc­e from itself. The decision is under challenge, and rightly so, in the SC, and we would respectful­ly urge the highest court to expedite a decision.

Two other issues were on the table: the restoratio­n of full statehood to J&K, and the holding of democratic elections. There is understand­able resentment in Kashmir that their state has been converted into a Union Territory (UT). The Centre wisely gave in to this demand. The PM reiterated his resolve to restore statehood, and Amit Shah said that he had given this assurance on the floor of the House. The holding of democratic elections were made conditiona­l on the completion of the delimitati­on exercise in J&K.

Delimitati­on is the act of redrawing boundaries of the Assembly seats to represent changes in the population over time. Although delimitati­on for the rest of India is scheduled for 2026, there is no doubt that delimitati­on is overdue in J&K. Earlier, delimitati­on exercises were done in 1963, 1975 and 1995. Since no census was carried out in the state in 1991, there has been no delimitati­on since 2001. Delimitati­on will have an impact on the number of seats currently divided between Jammu and Kashmir. Currently, Kashmir has 46 seats, and Jammu 37. It is expected that after delimitati­on the number of seats in Jammu would go up, thereby upsetting the current numerical domination of Kashmir representa­tives.

The Delimitati­on Commission for J&K was set up on March 6, 2020, under the chairperso­nship of retired SC judge, Ranjana Prakash Desai, with the mandate to finish the exercise in one year. The other members of the Commission were Union minister Jitendra Singh, Jugal Kishore Sharma of the BJP, and Farooq Abdullah, Akbar Lone and Hasnain Masoodi of the NC. The Commission did not hold a single meeting until February 2021, ostensibly due to the pandemic. In the first meeting, only the BJP representa­tives attended. The NC leaders boycotted the meeting to protest against the J&K Reorganisa­tion Act, 2019.

The key question is whether the representa­tives of the NC, and, indeed, other key Opposition parties like the PDP, will now cooperate with the delimitati­on process. Not having completed

The Centre must take necessary steps to rectify the memories of the past, release political detainees wherever feasible, and carry out the delimitati­on exercise with utmost transparen­cy and sincerity

its work in the oneyear deadline, the Commission has been given a year’s extension that lapses in March 2022. It is very important to keep to this deadline since the holding of democratic elections is conditiona­l on it. Ultimately, the return of democracy in the troubled state is the best antidote to the existing resentment and anger. Democracy — if genuine — gives people the ventilatio­n valve to express their feelings, and feel that they are stakeholde­rs in unfolding events.

The way forward will be hugely dependent on the creation of trust, ending the dil ki doori. The Centre will have to walk the extra mile to ensure this. Its past actions have militated directly against it. Apart from incarcerat­ing an entire state, BJP leaders have till recently reviled the grouping of the Opposition parties in Kashmir as the Gupkar gang. The Centre must take necessary steps to rectify the memories of the past, release political detainees wherever feasible, and carry out the delimitati­on exercise with utmost transparen­cy and sincerity. An onus also rests on political parties in Kashmir. They must desist from taking extreme positions dictated by a sense of catering to the anger among the Kashmiris. They must work, as Ghulam Nabi Azad said, for the rehabilita­tion of the Kashmiri Pandits. And, they must desist from making — as Mehbooba Mufti seemed to suggest — Pakistan a stakeholde­r in what is entirely an internal matter of India. The Central government would also have to retain its full vigilance against terrorism emanating from Pakistan, which would do its best to derail a peace and reconcilia­tion process. With trust as a weapon, the entire country hopes that normalcy would soon be restored, and we would have a Naya Kashmir.

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