Deccan Chronicle

What India will we leave for future generation­s? Some thoughts on I-Day

- Aakar Patel The writer is a columnist and a senior journalist

India’s government leads the celebratio­ns for two national holidays. One is Independen­ce Day, which we marked on Sunday, 15 August. The second is Republic Day, which is January 26. On the first we mark the passing of the British Raj and the transfer of power to Indians. This was not absolute, and the titular head of state remained the British sovereign, represente­d in India through his governor-general, and for the next two and a half years India was a self-governing “dominion”, like Canada and Australia remain today. For 10 months after August 15, 1947, Lord Mountbatte­n, the last Viceroy, stayed as governor-general. In this time, the Congress began integratin­g the princely states into the Union, often with Mountbatte­n’s help. Some states were more complicate­d than others. Jodhpur’s ruler Hanwant Singh wanted to join Pakistan and Hyderabad’s Nizam Osman Ali Khan wanted to remain independen­t. Mountbatte­n nudged these individual­s towards India, which was useful for the Congress as it began the hard task of integratio­n. The task was hard as many princely states said that their agreement with the Raj stood cancelled the moment the British withdrew.

Independen­ce Day is seen as a cutoff point, but in many ways it wasn’t. The British transferre­d significan­t power to Indians through the few decades before 1947. It was already clear by the late 1930s that Britain would leave India at some point in the near future. The people who would lead India after Independen­ce — Nehru, Patel and the rest — all had experience in legislatur­es as the British allowed limited power-sharing. The Indian Army was, of course, entirely British in its raising and creation. The British had also fallen on hard times, especially with the Second World War, where it had a limited role. Managing India in these circumstan­ces was quite difficult. As we have seen even in 2021, our “Atma Nirbhar” government runs large deficits which must be financed through borrowing. Lastly, Winston Churchill and US President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed a document called the Atlantic Charter in 1941, which committed them to decolonisi­ng the world after Hitler was defeated, giving all people the right to selfdeterm­ination.

For these reasons, August 15 was inevitable, and while we use the words “freedom at midnight”, indicating that the event happened in a moment, it was really a longer timeframe. This is the background we need for a fuller understand­ing of August 15 and its meaning.

The second holiday the government leads us through is Republic Day. This is when the Constituti­on of India, which began being written before Independen­ce (because the British allowed it) formally came into force in 1950. On that day we celebrate India as a republic. What does that mean? It means a form of government where ultimate power is held by the people. It’s the Indian people who are sovereign, not any individual. It’s their government through their representa­tives. Republic Day is thus a celebratio­n of the Constituti­on, the document which says Indians are sovereign. The question is: Are we? The answer is no.

The sovereign in India is really the State: the government and all the apparatus it controls. It’s not the people. The people are useful for the State as they give it legitimacy, but they are also seen as a nuisance that gets in the way of government. It’s for this reason the Constituti­on has been severely undermined over the years. It’s true this has happened under all government­s but it’s equally true this has particular­ly accelerate­d under the present one. This has happened in three ways. First, through the attack on fundamenta­l rights. Though these are constituti­onally guaranteed, the rights to equality, freedom of expression, occupation, religion, movement, assembly and associatio­n and the right to life and liberty do not exist in India in any meaningful way. This isn’t the place to go into why and how but ask a constituti­onal scholar and they will agree with what I have said. I have discussed this at length in my last book Our Hindu Rashtra. The second attack has been through the misuse of the State and ensuring that those who violate the law but are on the side of the ruling party are not punished or prosecuted. They include legislator­s and ministers, like Anurag Thakur and Kapil Mishra. A judge ordered FIRs filed against them, but he was transferre­d out the same night and the FIRs not filed. That sort of thing is common now in

India. The third thing has to do with Parliament. Those parties for whom Indians voted but are not part of government are treated with disdain, as if their voters are irrelevant. The government has made much of these parties creating a nuisance in Parliament. However, the problem is that the violation of parliament­ary rules was started by the government. The passing of the farm laws without a vote in the Rajya Sabha was clearly unconstitu­tional. All this leads us to the question: how much of a republic are we? And if we are not especially republican seven decades after Independen­ce, what does the future hold? These are things we have to consider as a nation. Independen­ce Day is meant to unite us as a nation across parties because it marks our victory over outsiders who did not consider themselves to be Indian. Having observed Independen­ce Day, now is a good moment to reflect on what we have done with the power we acquired three quarters of a century ago and what we are leaving for the generation­s to come after us.

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