FrontLine

The way forward on migrant issues

- BY S. IRUDAYA RAJAN AND BERNARD D’ SAMI

Even as Kerala and Odisha have taken proactive measures for migrant welfare in the wake of the lockdown, a permanent solution to migrants’ problems may lie in the implementa­tion of the report of the first-ever

task force on migration that was submitted to the Centre in 2017.

INTER-STATE MIGRANTS, LARGE NUMBERS of whom have been stranded in their cities of work with little means of survival and no way to get back home, are among the worst affected in the nationwide lockdown imposed since March 24. Images of hundreds of them, stranded at various transit points such as bus stops and railway stations, and trying to make the journey back home on foot, have stirred the nation’s conscience. They have also, even if belatedly, raised questions on the responsibi­lities of States towards internal migrants who help sustain their economies and of the Centre in terms of the effects of its sudden, large-scale decisions on the lives and livelihood­s of millions.

States such as Odisha, West Bengal and Bihar, which contribute a large share of migrant workers, have taken some measures to protect migrants in the destinatio­n States. Odisha’s model of interventi­on has been quite effective, with timely implementa­tion made through the State Ministries of Labour, Education, Women and Child Welfare and Panchayati Raj institutio­ns.

This also reveals the structure of the Indian federal system and its powers in ensuring citizens’ rights. The “sending” States are keen to protect their labour from exploitati­on. For instance, the Department of Non-resident Keralite Affairs (NORKA) has provided call centre helplines for their migrants in most Indian cities, including Chennai, Mumbai and Delhi. NORKA has also set up call centres for emigrants in the Gulf countries. Many sending States have enabled a help desk for their workers in the capital cities of “destinatio­n” States such as Mumbai and Delhi, other State capitals and industrial towns in other States. However, such facilities are limited to the volume of migration that is taking place from the sending to the destinatio­n States.

The general movement of labour is from the North and East India to the West and South. Some of the prominent labour-sending States are Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Rajasthan, Chhattisga­rh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Uttarakhan­d and Odisha. Gujarat, Maharashtr­a, Delhi, Haryana, Punjab, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and Kerala serve as the key labour recipients. This is owing to the demographi­c divide between the South and North in terms of demographi­c dividend and transition. Moreover, the months from December-january to June-july are the time when seasonal migrants are in destinatio­n States, working in constructi­on sites, brick kilns, and rice mills, among others.

The focus of this article is on the number of interstate migrants as captured by Census 2011 and Economic Survey of India 2017, and the recommenda­tions on the various issues of internal migration made by the working group on migration set up by the Union Ministry of Urban Affairs in 2015. It also details the various responses of the Centre and the States, and the road ahead, both in ensuring that large shocks such as the current one do not affect migrant lives and livelihood­s and in preventing adversitie­s in future.

MIGRANT POPULATION

India’s total population, as recorded in Census 2011, stands at 1.21 billion. Internal migrants in India number 454 million, or 37 per cent of the population. That said, internal migration remains grossly underestim­ated owing to empirical and conceptual difficulti­es in measuremen­t.

India experience­d rapid urbanisati­on between 2001 and 2011, with an estimated 31.8 per cent decadal growth. Migration, one of the components of India’s urban growth, is expected to increase in the foreseeabl­e future. The number of internal migrants is expected to cross 550 million by 2021. Policies such as the National Smart Cities Mission have also contribute­d to this phenomenon. During 2001-2011, India saw an increase of 139 million to its migrant workforce. The internal migration almost doubled during 20 years—from 220 million in 1991 to 454 million in 2011.

Migration in India is primarily of two types: (a) longterm migration, resulting in the relocation of an individual or household; and (b) short-term or seasonal/ circular migration, involving back-and-forth movement between a source and destinatio­n. According to National Sample Survey estimates, 28.3 per cent of workers in India are migrants. By this yardstick, India has approximat­ely 175 million internal migrants who move for work in the informal sector and support the lifeline of many State economies.

For the first time in the history of the country, the Economic Survey of India 2017 stated that an average of nine million people migrated between States every year for either education or work. The Survey revealed that States such as Delhi, Maharashtr­a, Tamil Nadu and Gujarat attracted large numbers of migrants from Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Madhya Pradesh. According to the Survey, internal migration rates dipped in Maharashtr­a and surged in Tamil Nadu and Kerala, reflecting the growing pull of southern States in India’s migration dynamics. The out-migration rate, or the rate at which people have moved out of their State, increased in Madhya Pradesh, Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, and dipped in Assam. The Survey reinforced the fact that the less affluent States have more out-migrants and the most affluent States are the largest recipients of inter-state migrants.

Between 2001 and 2011, migration to destinatio­ns within the State registered a higher growth rate compared with those headed to other States. The number of inter-state migrants grew at 55 per cent during 19912001 and fell to just 33 per cent during 2001-2011. By contrast, the rate of growth of inter-district migrants increased from 30 per cent during 1991-2001 to 58 per

cent during 2001-2011. Apart from moving within States, people also moved within districts. The growth in intra-district migration (movement within the same district) increased from 33 per cent between 1991-2001 to 45 per cent between 2001-2011. What emerged was a decline in inter-state migration and an increase in the inter-district migration within the State (Figure 1).

While the factors responsibl­e for migration are many, as many as two-thirds of women who reported having migrated from their last place of residence cited marriage as the reason. Among men, work and business accounted for one-third of total migrations, which is also the single largest reason for migration. Inter-state migration is largely single male and female migration. Only certain categories of work cause migrants to move with their families and that is largely noticed in constructi­on and brick-kiln industries (Figure 2).

RECOMMENDA­TIONS

The first ever task force on migration, the Working Group on Migration formed by the Ministry of Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviatio­n and headed by Partha Mukhopadhy­ay from the Centre for Policy Research, was set up in end 2015. The panel in its report stated that the migrant population contribute­d substantia­lly to economic growth and that it was necessary to secure their constituti­onal rights. The 18-member working group submitted its report in January 2017.

The report began by stating that in principle there was no reason for specific protection legislatio­n for migrant workers, inter-state or otherwise, and that they should be integrated with all workers as part of a legislativ­e approach with basic guarantees on wage and work conditions for all workers, as part of an overarchin­g framework that covers regular and contractua­l work. Pending such a unified architectu­re, the working group made the following recommenda­tions:

Social protection

States must (i) establish the Unorganise­d Workers Social Security Boards; (ii) institute simple and effective modes for workers to register, including self-registrati­on processes, e.g., through mobile SMS; and (iii) ensure that the digitisati­on of registrati­on records was leveraged to effectuate inter-state portabilit­y of protection and benefits.

Self-registrati­on

Migrants should be provided with portable health care and basic social protection through a self-registrati­on process delinked from employment status. The level of benefits could be supplement­ed by the worker or State government­s with additional payments.

Food security

One of the major benefits that migrants, especially short-term migrants or migrants who move without their household, lose is access to the public distributi­on system (PDS). This is a major lacuna, given the rights conferred under the National Food Security Act 2013. The digitisati­on of beneficiar­y lists and/or in some instances their linkage with Aadhaar permits the two actions necessary for portabilit­y of PDS benefits, that is (a) the modificati­on of the benefit to permit the delinking of individual­s from households and (b) the portabilit­y of the benefit across the fair price shop system (or alternativ­e methods, if used).

Health

The rudiments of a portable architectu­re for the provision of healthcare are in place with the portabilit­y of RSBY (Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana) and ESI (Employees’ State Insurance). The focus can be on covering contract workers and even unorganise­d workers under ESI, and the proposed use of portabilit­y to provide the benefits under UWSSA (Unorganise­d Workers’ Social Security). However, there is still a large gap in implementa­tion, the level of basic benefits and in the ability of the worker to improve these benefits with supplement­ary payments.

The working group also recommende­d that the Integrated Child Developmen­t Services–anganwadi (ICDS-AW) and auxiliary nurse midwives (Anms)—be advised to expand their outreach to include migrant women and children in the scheme.

Education

The working group also recommende­d that Ministry of Human Resource Developmen­t encourage States to include migrant children in the annual work plans of SSA (Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan), such as under the Education Guarantee and Alternativ­e and Innovative Education schemes.

This could include the establishm­ent of residentia­l facilities as well as providing support to a caregiver chosen by the family, as currently practised in some States. In doing so, it is imperative to ensure adequate

child protection, basic ratios.

Skilling and employment

The working group recommende­d that migrants have unrestrict­ed access to skill programmes in urban areas; in cases where there are domicile restrictio­ns, these need to be removed. The various Ministries of the Government of India need to ensure that skill programmes funded by the Union Budget support do not have domicile restrictio­ns.

Financial inclusion

The working group recommende­d that the Ministry of Communicat­ions re-examine the Department of Posts’ electronic money order product, benchmark it to private (informal) providers in terms of cost and time for the delivery so that it could be a competitiv­e option for migrant remittance transfers.

The Economic Survey of 2017 concluded that the above-mentioned measures would “vastly improve welfare gains of migration and ensure even greater integratio­n of labour markets in India”.

A proper follow-up of the above points could have allowed the nation to be better prepared to take care of its migrant workers in times of a major crisis. As it turned out, the current scenario presents a contrary picture of failure to protect the nation’s most vulnerable population. However, there is evidence that certain States have adopted more effective measures with due considerat­ion extended to their migrant population­s.

services, and caregiver-to-child

STATES’ RESPONSES

In the present crisis, amidst the suspension of buses, trains and flights services, government­s of major migrant-receiving States such as Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Delhi, Gujarat, and Maharashtr­a have intervened to provide basic amenities such as shelter, rations and food for the stranded workers.

Among the State Government­s, the Kerala model of humane treatment accorded to migrants, who are referred to as “guest workers”, has been widely appreciate­d. The Kerala government organised 15,541 relief camps for migrant workers, the highest in any State. Moreover, in Kerala, community kitchens are functionin­g at the panchayat level to ensure that no migrant worker goes hungry. Meanwhile, the State has also provided migrant workers night shelters, health care benefits, educationa­l allowances for children, and financial support to transport the mortal remains in case of natural death.

As earlier mentioned, Odisha has been a model State in terms of protecting the migrant workers in the destinatio­n States. At all levels, the Odisha government has comprehens­ively framed this model by providing shelter and schooling for the children of migrant workers both at source and at select destinatio­n States to reduce the number of school dropouts. It has initiated measures against contractor­s and agents undertakin­g illegal activities.

The Odisha government has set up a migration support centre for workers from Odisha in Tiruppur, Tamil

Nadu. Further, realising the need for immediate interventi­on at the local level, the Department of Labour and ESI have initiated the process and Memorandum­s of Understand­ing have been signed with the local associatio­ns of Odia people living in those States, to act as the first point of contact and support to Odia migrant workers. Accordingl­y, the management­s of Utkal Associatio­n of Madras, Chennai; Orissa Cultural Associatio­n, Bengaluru; and Utkal Sanskrutik­a Samaj, Vishakhapa­tnam, have signed Mous with the State Labour and ESI authoritie­s.

The Odisha model also indicates the importance of networking between States to protect the migrant workers. This kind of safety net is completely absent in other migrant-sending States such as Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, and States in the North-east.

On the flip side is the economic insecurity faced by the migrant workers as well as its impact on their family members in their States. Migrant workers financiall­y support their dependents living in their States by remitting their earnings home. Therefore, in the absence of economic activity, these migrants are unable to feed their dependents who also need attention. It is evident that since the lockdown, migrants have been monetarily unproducti­ve for prolonged periods and providing basic amenities is only a temporary solution to keep them from starvation. Moreover, the “charity approach” of dealing with the migration crisis has to be replaced by the “welfare approach”.

Hence, despite transferri­ng meagre cash benefits to the bank accounts, the need of the hour is to frame comprehens­ive unemployme­nt benefits to ensure economic security for distressed and stranded migrants. This measure will contribute much towards treating migrant workers with more respect and dignity.

Some migrant workers, who realised the danger of being stranded owing to the COVID-19 pandemic through the Janata curfew on March 22, tried to make the long journey home early. Migrant workers from Ker

ala who boarded the Alappuzha-dhanbad (Bokaro) Express, with a travel time of 55 hours and 15 minutes with 94 halts, were de-trained at Chennai Central station; the railway authoritie­s did not allow any train to move out of the Central station. Similarly, other trains proceeding to the migrant corridor routes were stopped, resulting in large numbers of migrant workers ending up in Chennai Central Station. Later, the Corporatio­n of Chennai took them to community halls, marriage halls, and schools and provided them with shelter, medical examinatio­n and food. Likewise, there are countless migrant workers who are neither in their destinatio­n nor in their source States, but stranded at transit points such as Chennai Central station.

THE ROAD AHEAD

There were visuals in the media of migrant workers desperate to reach their home on foot, in bicycles and hiding in vehicles, in places such as Surat and Mumbai, where a large number of migrants staged protests, demanding to return to their home States. Meanwhile, the mass gathering of migrant workers, mostly working in informal and unorganise­d sectors, at Anand Vihar bus terminal in Delhi alerted the authoritie­s to their plight. Subsequent­ly, judicial interventi­on was sought at the Supreme Court of India. What was visible in these responses was haphazard planning when it came to the issues of internal migrants and how major decisions affected them far more adversely when compared withother classes of workers. Although the issues relating to the welfare of inter-state migrants were highlighte­d through the Economic Survey of India 2017 and the report of the working group on migration, little has been done by way of a follow-through. While certain States have taken proactive measures in ensuring migrant rights, there are miles to go before the social and economic safety net of India’s migrant workforce improves. This needs wider cooperatio­n and collaborat­ion between States. This nationwide lockdown has reiterated the fact that it is important to shore up federal structures within States and having them work in tandem with the Centre to work towards migrant safety and ensuring their rights, both at the source and the destinatio­n States.

The Smart Cities Mission, one of the most ambitious projects of the Central government, has attracted large numbers of migrant workers. The current migrant crisis has indicated how migrant workers are excluded from the safety nets of both receiving and sending States. Therefore, a fresh focus is required to protect this invisible workforce in Indian cities, by including them in the social, economic, and health security net.

To further safeguard the interest of the migrant workers, the Central government has enacted the Interstate Migrant Workmen (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) Act, 1979, which, inter alia, provides for payment of minimum wages, journey allowance, displaceme­nt allowance, residentia­l accommodat­ion, medical facilities, and protective clothing. However, the current crisis has demonstrat­ed starkly the lack of proper implementa­tion, and thus the ineffectiv­eness, of the Act. Most importantl­y, the lack of political will is the most serious hindrance to uphold migrant rights. Neverthele­ss, there is hope when both sending and receiving States make proactive interventi­ons.

During an emergency such as this, if the sending States are equipped with the complete data of migrant workers, they will be able to negotiate better with the receiving States as to what is expected of them. Apart from the official data sharing, the government should replicate scientific sample surveys such as the Kerala Migration Survey in other States. Now that the migrants are moving far away from their States, the receiving State equally has to protect the migrants and their rights. The economic developmen­t of India depends on migrants who dominate the labour force in the constructi­on and manufactur­ing sectors.

While their remittance­s aid the developmen­t of the source State, they also help propel the economy of the destinatio­n States. It is time to bring the migrant population in the social and economic map of India and for policymake­rs to include migrants in their decision-making. It is also time for the government to implement the recommenda­tions of the working group on migration as a first step to ensuring migrants’ welfare. m

S. Irudaya Rajan is Professor at the Centre for Developmen­t Studies, Kerala. He led the Tamil Nadu Migration Survey and is a Member of the Kerala Government Expert Committee on COVID 19.

Bernard D’ Sami is Senior Fellow and Coordinato­r, Loyola Institute of Social Science Training and Research, Loyola College, Chennai.

NAKSHA BIBI, AN OCTOGENARI­AN NOMADIC Bakarwal matriarch, used to leave her winter home at Purmandal in Samba district of Jammu region well before the onset of summer. She would go across the Pir Panjal range of the Himalaya by the end of March, every year. After camping at Kokernag in Anantnag district in the Kashmir Valley for a couple of days, her caravan would set out on a long march towards Margan Top, the mighty mountain pass that connects Warwan Valley with the main Kashmir Valley. The caravan of her extended family, livestock and sturdy Bakarwali dogs—some dutifully leading from the front and the others trailing behind to ensure everyone was secure en route—would invariably reach their summer home at Inshan in Kishtwar district in the middle of the spring season.

But this year, Naksha Bibi’s annual summer migration is surely going to be the longest and toughest journey of her life. After an initial delay because of the lockdown, the Union Territory administra­tion finally allowed the pastoral nomadic Muslim communitie­s, Gujjars and Bakarwals—one of the most vulnerable and the third largest ethnic communitie­s of Jammu and Kashmir—to migrate within Jammu region or cross over to Kashmir and Ladakh on foot in late April. However, the local authoritie­s would not issue migration permits for many areas even until April 30.

Replying to queries regarding nomadic families stranded in Balatar panchayat, Chuni Lal Badyal, naib tehsildar of Sumb in Samba district, said: “We don’t have any orders from the office of the District Magistrate.

Denied permits and transporta­tion and facing boycott over coronaviru­s conspiracy theories, the pastoral Gujjar and Bakarwal communitie­s of Jammu and Kashmir begin their annual summer migration without

adequate food rations and fodder.

Many nomadic families have left for dhoks [highland pastures] on their own without permission.”

The standard practice of Naksha Bibi’s family the past several years had been to send women, children and the old and infirm in trucks to Anantang along with essential household goods. The menfolk would follow them on foot herding the livestock. After waiting for official permission for the use of vehicles, Naksha Bibi finally undertook the daunting journey on April 22. “The delay was proving disastrous for our livestock. So we didn’t wait for permission to use vehicles. In view of the rise in temperatur­e, sheep and goats have started suffering from foot-and-mouth disease. Vaccines are not available because of the lockdown,” Naksha Bibi’s grandson, Pervez Mohammad, said. He is doing his postgradua­tion in Urdu at the University of Jammu.

“Until last year, it was enough to get a raahdaari [permit] from the district forest authoritie­s. But this year, we were asked to get a no objection certificat­e from the local police and revenue authoritie­s apart from the district forest officer,” he told this reporter over phone from Kishanpur Manwal near the Jammu-udhampur border on April 29. “We have reduced our reliance on ponies over the years. The ever-growing vehicular traffic has made it difficult for us to transit via the national highway and other roads on foot. Heavy urbanisati­on and population growth even in rural areas have led to an acute fodder shortage and hostilitie­s. We have also lost our access to many traditiona­l migration routes and forests.”

Despite changes in administra­tive laws following the abrogation of Jammu and Kashmir’s semi-autonomous status in August last year, the Forest Rights Act has not yet been implemente­d in the new Union Territory. The authoritie­s have fenced forests, denying the pastoral communitie­s access to them. The law promises grazing rights, access to water resources and forest produce (except timber) to traditiona­l forest dwellers and offers them protection against forced displaceme­nts. Until August last year, forest laws of the former State provided the pastoral nomadic communitie­s only grazing rights in certain forest areas.

Gujjars and Bakkarwals constitute 11.9 per cent of the erstwhile Jammu and Kashmir State’s total population of 12.5 million, according to Census 2011. Over the past three decades, growing militancy, militarisa­tion and frequent ceasefire violations along the 198-kilometre-long internatio­nal border and the 730-km-long line of control have affected the simple pastoral life of these nomads. As a result, many pastures and traditiona­l migration routes are out of bounds for them.

Their centuries-old biannual migration seems to have inspired the “Durbar Move”, the practice of shifting the Jammu and Kashmir government’s civil Secretaria­t and other offices to Srinagar in the summer and Jammu in the winter. The Dogra monarch, Maharaja Gulab Singh, introduced this biannual relocation of offices in 1872.

In the wake of the national lockdown implemente­d to break the chain of COVID-19 infection, the majority of the nomadic families have started their summer migration without adequate food rations. In the past, the Department of Animal and Sheep Husbandry had set up camps along the migration routes. This year, no such arrangemen­ts are in place, the families say.

In several places on their route, the twin communitie­s have been facing boycott over coronaviru­s conspiracy theories. On April 17, the caravan of Haji Abdul Hamid, the 85-year-old Bakarwal herder, began its journey on foot for Marwah Dachan in Kishtwar district from Basantpur in Kathua district. Talking to the reporter over phone, Hamid said, “We are 20 households moving with 10,000 head of cattle. This time we don’t have enough stock of food rations. We also don’t have medicines for the livestock. Government veterinary doctors are nowhere in sight. The government has not shown any concern for our problems.”

The communalis­ation of the pandemic has created a new crisis for these communitie­s. “The previous day, the local sarpanch and his men brutally thrashed our livestock at Saira Kardoh village in Basohli tehsil, without any provocatio­n. They warned us against camping near

their village. They blamed us for the spread of COVID. They were not willing to understand that not a single person from our community had got infected with the virus so far. I believe, they targeted us for some other reason,” Hamid lamented.

Gujjars and Bakarwals have faced allegation­s of “land jehad” as part of an imagined conspiracy aimed at changing the demographi­c profile of the Jammu region. Many right-wing leaders had called for boycotting them socially and economical­ly following the Kathua rape and murder case. Some Bharatiya Janata Party Ministers and legislator­s had apparently organised a rally in support of the persons who kidnapped, gang-raped and murdered an eight-year-old Bakarwal girl in 2018. Ironically, the Indian armed forces personnel laud the Bakarwal community for informing them of Pakistan’s intrusions in 1965, 1971 and before the Kargil war.

Sharief Ahmed, Hamid’s younger brother’s son, said, “Even though the trial court has convicted the accused in the Kathua rape and murder case, the hostile attitude of many local residents has not changed.” Sharief Ahmed is pursuing his doctoral degree in economics at the University of Jammu. His Mphil thesis was on “Impact of mobile primary schools on educationa­l outcomes of students: A case study of Bakarwal tribe in district Kathua”.

“Bakarwals are one of the most educationa­lly and economical­ly backward tribal communitie­s in the country. The annual report of the Union Tribal Affairs Ministry 2018 revealed that the literacy rate of the community is slightly over 25 per cent,” he said.

On the morning of April 19, as many as 73 sheep, goats and two horses belonging to the Bakarwal families were found dead in Meer Panchari area adjoining Udhampur district. The livestock belonged to Abdul Qyoom and Gulzar Ahmed. They had broken their journey near the village on their way to Kashmir from the border area of Khor in the Akhnoor sector. Bakarwals suspect that the livestock was poisoned by some local people.

BOYCOTT OF GUJJARS

Another section of the tribal community, Dodhi Gujjars, has been facing an undeclared boycott in the Jammu region. Dodhi Gujjars mostly migrate within Jammu region and are largely dependent on milk-yielding animals and practice small-scale agricultur­e. Jameel Choudhary, president of the Dodhi Gujjars community in Jammu, said: “At a time when we do not have enough food for ourselves, we have offered to supply milk to the quarantine centres in Jammu and Kathua free of cost. But, our offer has not evoked any response from the authoritie­s. We want to contribute to the fight against COVID-19 despite threats to socially distance our community. People are not buying our milk produce. We are forced to dump the milk in rivers and farms. In several areas, local residents do not allow our cattle to graze on government land. Attempts are being made to harm the community financiall­y under the garb of coronaviru­s threat.”

His

allegation­s are not

baseless. During the lockdown, pictures and videos emerged on social media showing members of the community being assaulted by the Jammu and Kashmir Police and local residents. Citing COVID-19 threat, Gurdayal Singh Majotra, sarpanch of Gharana panchayat in Suchetgarh block near the Pakistan border, wrote a letter to the local authoritie­s, requesting that members of the tribal communitie­s should not be allowed to enter his panchayat. “…no entry of Gujjars/bakarwals visiting panchayat Gharana along with their animals from village Jeoura and Kalali Tibba without the permission of the panchayat. You are also requested to kindly convey the directions to the police… if we establish a checkpoint…. The infrastruc­ture and staff of forest and VDC (village defence committee) is available and ready for check post. Please convey your directions as early as possible,” Majorta stated in his letter dated April 8.

When contacted two days later, Majotra told this reporter, “I don’t know what’s wrong with my letter. Why is it being politicise­d and I’m being criticised on social media? These people come in hordes to take fodder for their livestock. They don’t maintain physical distancing. Even though I’ve withdrawn my letter I’m very much worried about the security of my panchayat.”

Incidental­ly, hamlets with a predominan­t population of the community become targets of shelling and firing from across the border during frequent ceasefire violations. In January 2018, at least 150 mud houses of Gujjars were gutted in Pakistani shelling as the area turned into a war zone. These families also lost their cattle and other livestock to mortar bombs and bullets.

Several social organisati­ons from the Chenab Valley, which comprises the three districts of Ramban, Doda and Kishtwar, have also expressed the fear that the pastoral nomads could transmit coronaviru­s in their areas. The organisati­ons, which include the Thathri Developmen­t Front, the Paddar Developmen­t Forum and the Paddar Youth Forum, have urged the Divisional Commission­er of Jammu to establish checkpoint­s for screening of the nomadic community. In a joint statement made to the local press on April 26, they said: “The migration of nomadic population to the upper reaches of Chenab valley particular­ly in subdivisio­n Paddar, Thathri and Dachhan area can wreck havoc. The administra­tion should establish checkpoint­s so that no coronaviru­s positive case enters the virgin valley.”

DEPRIVED OF PDF BENEFIT

The Jammu Kashmir Tribal United Forum has demanded an emergency monthly financial relief of Rs.7,000 to each nomadic household living below the poverty line (BPL). Roshan Din Choudhary, the forum chief, said: “Over five lakh nomadic Gujjar and Bakarwals in Jammu and Kashmir have been affected by the lockdown. The nomadic and BPL families have no work. They have no source of income. They have no way of arranging fodder for their livestock.”

“The government should immediatel­y put in place a mechanism for purchasing milk from the Dodhi Gujjar

community,” Choudhary suggested. “A large number of local Gujjar labourers who had gone to the neighbouri­ng States of Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhan­d and Delhi for daily wage work, are stranded either at places of their work or on their way back home. They need to be evacuated and brought back. Similarly, a huge chunk of tribal population is stranded in the upper reaches of the mountains. They are facing starvation and they are yet to get the attention of the authoritie­s.”

Although Union Minister for Food and Public Distributi­on Ram Vilas Paswa declared in March that beneficiar­ies under the public distributi­on system would be allowed to lift their quota of subsidised foodgrains for six months in one go, in view of the coronaviru­s outbreak, tribal nomads largely remain deprived of the benefit.

An assistant director in the Food, Civil Supplies and Consumer Affairs Department in Jammu region said: “Over half the population of nomadic tribes in Jammu and Kashmir, the majority of them Bakarwals, has been left out of the ambit of the National Food Security Act, which has a specific policy for the nomadic tribal population. The Act was implemente­d in Jammu and Kashmir in 2016 in a haphazard manner. The scattered nomadic population couldn’t get registered. So the government must intervene to provide them ration during the lockdown.” (He did not wish his name to be shared as he was not authorised to speak to the media.)

He said there was a need to set up new screening committees comprising officials from the Revenue and Rural Developmen­t department­s at the tehsil level under the supervisio­n of his department to include the deserving nomadic families who had been left out. “The seasonal migration of nomadic tribes cuts across the Union Territorie­s of Ladakh and Jammu and Kashmir and the States of Punjab and Himachal Pradesh. Therefore, inter-state and inter-district portabilit­y of their digital ration cards—just like mobile phone sim cards— should be introduced after taking into considerat­ion their unique migration patterns.”

Mukhtar Ahmed, secretary of the Jammu and Kashmir Advisory Board for developmen­t of Gujjars and Bakarwals, said: “As of now, there are no clear directions from the government regarding transporta­tion facilities. But the administra­tion must allow the migrating nomadic families to use vehicles as they have been facing a lot of hardship.”

Ahmed wrote to all the 10 District Magistrate­s of Jammu region (Jammu, Samba, Kathua, Udhampur, Kishtwar, Doda, Poonch, Rajouri, Reasi and Ramban) on April 16 requesting permission for the pastoral nomadic communitie­s to migrate with their animals. “…it has been learnt that the officials of the Forest Department have not included pet animals like buffaloes/cows (milch animals) in the prescribed format. This has created a lot of inconvenie­nce to the migratory population. It is, therefore, requested that necessary directions be issued from your office to the designated authority of the Forest Department for inclusion of pet animals as per the past practice after proper verificati­on so that the issue is resolved.

“Still, we are receiving regular complaints that officials in some districts are not permitting nomadic families to migrate along with their bovine animals. They should be permitted after proper verificati­on by panchayat representa­tives, and revenue and forest officials. They should not be suspected of bovine smuggling….

“A few days ago, over a dozen families were stranded near Atal Setu Bridge in Basholi, Kathua. These families had come from Punjab. Later, on my request the District Magistrate of Kathua allowed them to migrate to highland pastures in small groups on foot.”

About the availabili­ty of veterinary doctors along the migration route, Ahmed said: “The Chief Secretary had given clear instructio­ns that all arrangemen­ts must be ensured for their smooth seasonal migration. Officials from the Department of Animal and Sheep Husbandry had also attended that meeting. But the Covid-crisis has given an escape route to many.”

On the issue of ration, he said: “The government is taking the required steps to provide free ration to nomadic families during lockdown as per the directions of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. But that is not going to be a long-lasting solution. The larger issue still remains unresolved like many of their other problems.”

As the government scrambled to ensure their smooth migration, Naksha Bibi and Pervez Mohammad were struggling to cope with fear, the kind nomadic families have experience­d at the height of militancy. “We are quite afraid this time. We walk only 20 km in the morning hours and another 20 km in the evening. Kharpora village in Larnoo tehsil of Kokernag area, where we camp during our migration, has been declared a coronaviru­s red zone. So, we are moving at a very slow pace. We have to cross Margan Top before the rainy season begins.” m

 ??  ?? MIGRANT WORKERS from Maharashtr­a walking home, on the outskirts of Hyderabad on May 4.
MIGRANT WORKERS from Maharashtr­a walking home, on the outskirts of Hyderabad on May 4.
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 ??  ?? A BAKARWAL family migrating to Kashmir from Jammu along with its herd near Kalakote in Rajouri district on May 4. (Above) Naksha Bibi.
A BAKARWAL family migrating to Kashmir from Jammu along with its herd near Kalakote in Rajouri district on May 4. (Above) Naksha Bibi.
 ??  ?? A BAKARWALI dog near Margan Top, which connects the Warwan Valley with the main Kashmir Valley.
A BAKARWALI dog near Margan Top, which connects the Warwan Valley with the main Kashmir Valley.

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