FrontLine

Understand­ing inflation

- BY JAYATI GHOSH

The current macroecono­mic policy responses to inflation in the advanced economies, namely tightening monetary policy and raising interest rates, do not address the real causes. They are more likely

to cause recession and generate financial volatility, affecting low- and middle-income countries the most.

SUDDENLY, INFLATION IS BACK IN THE global headlines after a long period when it seemed to drop out of the policy discussion in advanced capitalist economies and did not seem to be much of an issue even in many low- and middle-income countries. This was the period described as “The Great Moderation”, roughly between the mid 1980s and the years leading up to the Global Financial Crisis of 2008, when fluctuations in economic activity in the developed world were reduced and less severe, and when inflation rates were low and sometimes even negative in many economies. Of course, this was not the case in all parts of the world: some countries experience­d very rapid inflation in certain years (such as Russia in the early 1990s, or the Democratic Republic of Congo, or Venezuela) or even hyperinflation (like Zimbabwe).

Inflation refers to a general increase in prices—not just in specific goods and services, but an all-round in

crease that is spread across different sectors. It matters to ordinary people, particular­ly when their money incomes do not go up as fast as prices do, which is described as a loss of purchasing power. This is described as a decline in real income or real wages, which can happen even when money incomes are increasing.

Globally, prices of essential commoditie­s such as foodgrains and of fuel or energy, which enters directly into prices of all other goods and services, have been rising since the middle of 2021, and have accelerate­d sharply since the Ukraine war. As a result of this, advanced economies have experience­d rates of overall inflation that are higher than they have been for decades. Things may be worse for low- and middle-income countries even when their inflation rates do not appear to have increased so much, because money incomes of workers, peasants, and other self-employed people have barely increased, and in many cases have fallen.

The debate on the causes of inflation has divided economists and policymake­rs for at least a century, if not longer. Traditiona­l monetarist economists have tended to believe that inflation results from excess money supply creation: “too much money chasing too few goods”. They argue that increases in credit creation or “liquidity” will result in higher inflation rates, since the level of economic activity by real supply is determined by other factors. So the way to control inflation is to limit the creation of credit in an economy, by curbing the expansion of “reserve money”, reducing credit to government and limiting banks’ ability to extend credit. According to them, this would reduce the amount of money in circulatio­n and thereby force prices down.

CONCEPTUAL FLAWS

There are at least two basic conceptual flaws in this argument. The first is the idea that the total economic activity (or supply) is given exogenousl­y, by available labour and institutio­nal factors, so that it cannot be affected by macroecono­mic policy. Instead, since most economies are not at full employment, macroecono­mic policies can affect the level of economic activity. The second flaw is that the total money supply is a stock that can be fixed by policy. In reality, government­s can affect only the base or reserve money and some of the credit provided by the banking system. In general, once that is determined, economic activity determines the actual amount of credit or liquidity in the system, by changing the “velocity of circulatio­n” or the number of times the base money directly or indirectly changes hands through different transactio­ns. So the final supply of money or liquidity in the system is an outcome of the economy’s functionin­g, not a policy variable in the hands of the central bank or the government. What the central bank can and does do is change its base interest rate, which is the floor for all other interest rates in the economy.

That is why other economists, especially those with Keynesian and structural­ist perspectiv­es, take a completely different view on the causes of inflation. In the Keynesian approach, inflation reflects the excess of spending over income at the macroecono­mic level. This imbalance can result in either a balance of payments deficit or domestic inflation. So, if there are supply constraint­s or bottleneck­s that prevent output from rising when there is more demand in the system, but total spending does not adjust accordingl­y, that can cause inflation.

UPWARD SPIRAL

Structural­ists point out that inflation results when different groups in the economy fight over their shares in national income: firms, workers, agricultur­alists, and other primary producers, and government­s. For example, if imported input costs rise, firms may try to

increase their output prices to maintain their profit margins. But if workers who feel that their real wages would fall as a result of this are able to fight to increase their money wages, then that adds further to costs, and firms could seek to increase prices further as a result. This can lead to an upward spiral if both groups are able to seek to maintain their real incomes. This is more likely when such groups are stronger, and if more incomes are “indexed” to the inflation rate, as it sometimes happens when unions are able to build this into their wage bargains, or when businesses are able to insist on maintainin­g their profit margin by raising their prices.

High inflation rates are obviously very destabilis­ing, but they can reflect the ability of more sections of the economy to fight back to at least maintain their real incomes. When expectatio­ns of inflation become more widespread, then all groups that can do so try to raise their own prices so as not to lose out in real income terms. This can generate inflationary spirals because such expectatio­ns become self-fulfilling.

By contrast, in economies like India with a very large proportion of informal workers with little or no bargaining power, such increases in production costs and prices just get passed on to workers who are not able to demand higher money incomes as a result. This means the inflation rate may remain relatively lower, but it would have possibly a worse impact on living standards because real incomes fall.

INFLATIONA­RY EPISODES

Different inflationary episodes can be classified according to whether they are “demand-pull” or “cost-push”. The distinctio­n is important because it should affect how government­s respond. Demand-pull inflation is when the money demand for goods and services rises too fast relative to available supply (sometimes called “overheatin­g”). Usually, this is seen to call for a rise in central bank interest rates or tighter monetary policy that will make it more expensive or difficult to access credit, thereby reducing spending. Cost-push inflation can result from specific costs going up, possibly because of supply bottleneck­s in specific sectors, or rising prices of imported inputs (either because of world price changes or exchange rate depreciati­on). In this case, raising interest rates will not address the cause of inflation, but instead can cause economic activity to decelerate and even decline. In the worst case, this policy can generate stagflation: the combinatio­n of slow or falling economic activity and rising price levels.

The period from the Global Financial Crisis to 2021 should have conclusive­ly refuted the monetarist argument that just releasing liquidity into an economy will generate inflation. Since that crisis, just four major banks (the United States Federal Reserve, the European Central Bank, the Bank of England, and the Bank of Japan) released unpreceden­ted amounts of liquidity, such that their total assets increased from around $4 trillion in January 2008 to more than $26 trillion in 2021 (https:// www.un.org/developmen­t/desa/dpad/publicatio­n/undesa-policy-brief-no-129-the-monetary-policy-response-to-covid-19-the-role-of-asset-purchase-programmes/). But throughout this entire period, until mid-2021, inflation rates remained low in the advanced economies, declining and even turning negative in some countries.

The recent inflation in the advanced economies—and therefore in the global markets—originated with costpush factors, specifically the supply chain issues that originated in Covid-19-related lockdowns and closures. The Ukraine war made matters worse, by affecting oil, wheat, and fertilizer supplies, and impacting on certain establishe­d trading routes. But these are not enough to explain the significant rise in prices: it has also been driven by corporate profiteering and accelerate­d by financial speculatio­n in commodity futures markets. Oil companies have seized the opportunit­y to push up prices beyond what is justified by their own cost increases (just like Big Pharma companies profiteered from the COVID-19 pandemic). Meanwhile, financial activity in commodity futures markets increased substantia­lly between January and March 2022, driving up futures prices in wheat and other commoditie­s and thus affecting current spot prices as well.

This pattern is clearly evident in the US. In the three decades of 1979 to 2019, when inflation rates were not so high, rising unit labour costs (which reflect rising wages) contribute­d to 62 per cent of the total price increase, compared with 27 per cent because of other input price increases, and 11 per cent because of more profits. But in the recent and ongoing inflation, the ratios have been reversed.

Between April-june 2020 and October-december 2021, when inflation has accelerate­d to much higher levels, corporate profits accounted for 54 per cent of the total price rise, while labour costs contribute­d only 8 per cent and other inputs costs 38 per cent. (https:// www.epi.org/blog/corporate-profits-have-contribute­ddispropor­tionately-to-inflation-howshould-policymake­rs-respond/). This suggests that the current macroecono­mic policy responses to inflation in the advanced economies, which are all about tightening monetary policy and raising interest rates, are wrongly directed. They do not address the real causes of this inflation.

They are more likely to cause economic recessions, and will also generate more financial volatility. Low- and middle-income countries will once again be the worst affected, as they will experience capital outflows in addition to all their other current woes. m

In economies like India, increases in production costs and prices just get passed on to workers.

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