FrontLine

‘Ambedkar’s views on gender ignored’

- BY VIKHAR AHMED SAYEED

Interview with Ashwini K.P., first Asian UNHRC Special Rapporteur on racism.

ASHWINI K.P., 36, IS THE first Asian to be appointed as Special Rapporteur on contempora­ry forms of racism, racial discrimina­tion, xenophobia and related intoleranc­e by the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). Her appointmen­t was confirmed by the UNHCR in its 51st session in October and she began her six-year tenure on November 1. Ashwini is a Dalit activist based in Bengaluru where she has, in the past, taught political science at St. Joseph’s College of Arts and Science and worked at Amnesty Internatio­nal India.

She is also the co-founder of a non-government­al organisati­on, Zariya: Women’s Alliance for Dignity. Her doctorate research, which she completed at Jawaharlal Nehru University, focussed on descent and occupation-based discrimina­tion in India and Nepal.

You have been appointed as Special Rapporteur on contempora­ry forms of racism by the UNHRC. What is the mandate of your role?

Special Rapporteur­s are independen­t experts and this specific role focussing on racism was created in 1993. When we speak of racism, it deals with aspects of discrimina­tion based on race, colour, descent and ethnic origin. My mandate explicitly focusses on the rampant racism across the globe, and in view of this I will have to focus on discrimina­tion or any sort of intoleranc­e against

Africans, African descendant­s and migrants, as well as Asian migrants in Europe and North America, and also look at communitie­s that are subjected to discrimina­tion owing to their social or religious identity all over the world.

You will be the first Asian person to helm this important role. As a Dalit woman, you represent an intersecti­onal group that has been marginalis­ed through history because of your caste and gender. What does your appointmen­t mean for the politics of representa­tion?

As someone who has been studying social exclusion as an activist and an academic, I’ve always felt that representa­tion is extremely important to take note of sensitive issues in places of decision-making and policymaki­ng, especially on a global platform like this. We have rarely seen representa­tion of marginalis­ed communitie­s, particular­ly from South Asia. My own personal experience in terms of being a Dalit and a woman is relevant as I can understand how gender or caste affects an individual or community in terms of access to opportunit­ies or education because of racism or xenophobia.

All discrimina­tions are similar as these are institutio­nalised, and because of my own experience­s I can relate to what it means to be exposed to racism and xenophobic attacks because of the way in which caste has defined our lives. The fact that I come from an educated background along with certain social capital had not prepared me for caste or gender discrimina­tion. I have faced caste discrimina­tion in progressiv­e spaces, so I think these experience­s will help me to understand issues of race in a nuanced and clear manner. Representa­tion in terms of a woman and a Dalit changes the narrative and the way in which issues are addressed.

One of the roles of the Special Rapporteur is the “fact-finding country visits” where you get a chance to examine in detail allegation­s of racism, xenophobia, and intoleranc­e in a particular country. Have you identified the countries that you will be visiting and the issues you will be investigat­ing there?

We have not finalised this yet because if I have to visit a country as a Special Rapporteur, I need to be officially invited by the government concerned, which will also give us the space to officially engage with civil society groups or representa­tives from the government. We might probably scrutinise the situation in a country in North or South America or Europe. In the recent past, there have been several instances of incarcerat­ion of marginalis­ed communitie­s in these countries. In addition, our work has to be in line with the Sustainabl­e Developmen­t Goals (SDGS) of the UN. So, this decision is based on several factors.

The UN’S Internatio­nal Convention on the Eliminatio­n of All Forms of Racial Discrimina­tion defines racial discrimina­tion in very broad terms: “Any distinctio­n, exclusion, restrictio­n or preference based on race, colour, descent, or national or ethnic origin which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognitio­n, enjoyment or exercise, on an equal footing, of human rights and fundamenta­l freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life”. Does this mean that you will have the mandate to examine issues of atrocities against Dalits in India?

If we look at the Dalit community or the untouchabl­e community which is particular­ly marginalis­ed, the experience is not just confined to South Asia alone because caste has spread across the globe and operates very efficientl­y in the diaspora communitie­s. Even the previous Special Rapporteur (E. Tendayi Achiume of Zambia) had made specific reference to caste in her tenure. Apart from my mandate, there are other mechanisms within the UN which are more equipped to address descent-based discrimina­tion. Of course, I can make references to the exclusiona­ry practices perpetuate­d against Dalits.

The plight of the Rohingya, who are the world’s largest ethnic community without a state, is extremely worrying. Do you plan on exploring possible solutions to this long-standing crisis during your tenure?

When we look at the Rohingya, they are also Muslims which makes them further vulnerable. My mandate does take into considerat­ion the aspect of discrimina­tion faced by mi

“Caste and race are not the same but ... it is necessary to recognise [both] as the worst forms of discrimina­tion.”

grants, but the Rohingya issue is very complex. If I have to look at the Rohingya issue, it has to be country specific. In case I make a country visit to Myanmar, I can probably highlight the issue effectivel­y. There are other mechanisms as well and the UN has been addressing this issue. Given an opportunit­y, I’d be happy to address this issue.

What will be some of your main areas of focus during your tenure as Special Rapporteur?

There are theme-based topics which mandate-holders focus on. The previous rapporteur focussed on climate change. Intersecti­onality, particular­ly in the context of gender, interests me a lot, so I’m keen on focussing on how racism, xenophobia and other related intoleranc­es affect women within marginalis­ed communitie­s; the LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgende­r) communitie­s are further discrimina­ted against. Often gender is somehow not spoken about or not spoken about adequately.

The 2001 World Conference Against Racism held in Durban brought an old debate about caste and race to the attention of the world after Dalit activists argued that caste discrimina­tion was equivalent to racial discrimina­tion. What is your own perspectiv­e on this. Can the hierarchy of the caste system also be seen as a form of racial discrimina­tion?

When we look at caste and race, we have to look at them as different aspects of discrimina­tion but at the same time recognise that exclusion and violence are similar to both. We cannot say that one is worse than the other. Racism has led to the discrimina­tion against the entire race of Africans for a long time. Caste was confined to South Asia in the past but due to transnatio­nal migration, we see caste operating in different parts of the world.

Caste and race are not the same but when we look at these two issues globally, it is also necessary to recognise caste and race as the worst forms of discrimina­tion. Caste should also be addressed just like how race is addressed. Things have changed today, especially post-durban.

Though there is no convention within the UN system which mentions the term caste, it has not been completely negated. I want to specifical­ly mention this because a lot of convention­s and working groups have expressed their concern about violence against Dalits. So, academical­ly, while caste and race may be different, I think it is okay to address both the issues on an equal footing on a global platform.

A major part of your academic research as well as profession­al work has been in the area of Dalit activism. While Dalit activism has played a major role in addressing instances of caste discrimina­tion, it has not managed to aggressive­ly spread the ideology of

Ambedkaris­m among Dalits in India. What do you have to say about this?

When you look at the ideology of Ambedkaris­m, I think Babasaheb Ambedkar is viewed differentl­y by different people, leading to varying perspectiv­es on his ideology. It’s very difficult for us to impose an idea that Ambedkar has to be viewed in only a certain way. There are individual­s who look at him as an intellect, while others look at Ambedkar in terms of spirituali­ty (his idea of Buddhism), a social reformer, a jurist, or as the framer of the Constituti­on. It also varies across States.

In Maharashtr­a, the Dalit movement is quite vibrant. In Tamil Nadu, where the Dravidian movement has had influence, Ambedkar is looked at differentl­y. In certain places, we have the [political] Left and Ambedkarit­e movements working in combinatio­n.

With the emergence of Kanshi Ram, there were organisati­ons like BAMCEF (Backward and Minority Communitie­s Employees Federation). Many study groups have extensivel­y worked on educating youngsters about Babasaheb’s writings and I myself have been part of these groups. I feel that it is not necessary for everyone to have a pure academic and theoretica­l understand­ing of Ambedkar, as an activist is as important as an academic. It is about having a multifario­us perspectiv­e on caste assertion and anticaste philosophy.

I still believe that there are sections of people who have to understand Ambedkarit­e philosophy in terms of gender. I want to stress upon this because, consciousl­y or unconsciou­sly, large sections of people ignore Ambedkar’s perspectiv­e on gender. I think his theory on gender empowermen­t was one of the most progressiv­e theories and this has not been taken into considerat­ion by a lot of people.

In an earlier interview, you mentioned that the life and work of Ambedkar has been a source of inspiratio­n for you. How will you use Ambedkar’s ideas in your role as Special Rapporteur on contempora­ry forms of racism?

As someone who has idolised Ambedkar since childhood, I know that his ideas of equality and fraternity are universal. These aspects have brought change in the lives of Dalits and other marginalis­ed communitie­s in independen­t India. As someone who has been influenced by Babasaheb’s thoughts, my interventi­on may lead to someone benefiting somewhere. I’m not saying that I will change the world but maybe a small community could benefit. m

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 ?? ?? ROHINGYA REFUGEES at a temporary shelter in North Aceh, Indonesia, on November 16, 2022.
ROHINGYA REFUGEES at a temporary shelter in North Aceh, Indonesia, on November 16, 2022.
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