Hindustan Times (Bathinda)

EC sounds bugle, states in poll position

Brand Modi versus a spirited Oppn

- Sunita Aron letters@hindustant­imes.com

LUCKNOW: In the 2014 Lok Sabha election in Uttar Pradesh, the results seemed to suggest that voters cast their ballots based on a leader’s personalit­y and promise of progress, keeping aside traditiona­l factors such as caste.

Narendra Modi, then the prime ministeria­l candidate for the Bharatiya Janata Party, flew down from Gujarat to Uttar Pradesh and adopted Varanasi as his Lok Sabha constituen­cy. The party swept the 2014 elections, winning 71 of 80 seats and polling 42.6% of the votes. The people of the largest state knew him as a Gujarati who transforme­d that state into a vibrant province, a dream that they themselves had cherished for decades. “I am from a backward caste, but will take the country forward.” Modi said, playing on both emotions and aspiration­s.

After 2014, the state faced two more elections, in 2017 (state assembly) and 2019 (Lok Sabha), but the BJP was unstoppabl­e. The party cornered almost half of the votes polled in 2019.

The major factor of the party’s three back-to-back victories was the leadership of Modi, who played on emotions (Hindutva) and aspiration­s (developmen­t). Though the BJP did not project a chief ministeria­l candidate in the 2017 assembly elections, Modi ensured the party won 312 of the 384 seats it contested. The Sp-congress alliance won 54, and the BSP, 19 seats.

Significan­tly, though the party’s campaign revolved around him,the BJP diligently pursued its caste and identity agenda. Its victory was a reflection of its ability to consolidat­e the Hindu vote, marshallin­g support from backward classes other than those loyal to the Samajwadi Party, a section of Dalits who had traditiona­lly voted for the Bahujan Samaj Party, and, of course, its traditiona­l base of the upper castes. Anti-incumbency has always been a factor in Uttar Pradesh, but the BJP is hoping that Prime Minister Modi’s charisma,

the high-decibel campaign that has been underway over the past few years to project chief minister Yogi Adityanath as an efficient and able administra­tor, and a fragmented opposition will help it return to power.

“The disgruntle­ment of voters against their public representa­tives is much talked about in every election. But by the time voting day arrives, they vote for the leader of the party and not the candidate,” said Rajesh Singh, general secretary, Motilal Memorial Society in Lucknow. Still, this time around SP’S “Akhilesh Yadav, is emerging as a challenger”, Singh admitted, although “he will have to assert himself, work hard and manage booths.” After all, as 2014, 2017, and 2019 have shown, the BJP is an efficient election machine.

Modi is the face of the BJP in the state polls, with Adityanath in tow, as the party emphasises its double-engine advantage of having the same ruling party at both the Centre and the state.

Both Modi and Adityanath have campaigned aggressive­ly, launching schemes and laying foundation stones. Modi has visited the state 12 times in November and December to launch big-ticket projects. Adityanath himself has visited almost every district in the past two months.

“I have been touring the state since becoming chief minister in 2017,” he told media persons a few days back. “So, why this hue and cry over my recent trips?” The BJP is clearly taking no chances in a state which has voted for change in every assembly election since 2007, when the Bahujan Samaj Party broke a 14-year-long coalition jinx. The state voted for the Samajwadi Party in 2012 and the BJP in 2017.

While the BJP, equipped with elaborate poll parapherna­lia and a battery of senior leaders, is confident , the SP, despite the constraint of being a one- man campaign believes it has a chance.

Battle between BJP, SP

Mayawati of the BSP is conspicuou­sly absent from the poll scene and the Congress, analysts say, is unlikely to do well, although both Priyanka Gandhi, and Rahul Gandhi will continue to attract crowds. That the primary contest is between the BJP and the SP is evident in the former targetting the latter’s leaders, the analysts add.

The BJP and the SP were not only the first to hit the campaign trail, but have also entered into alliances with caste-based parties to bolster their prospects in different regions of the state.

“In 2019, we hit a hat trick. Today, the BJP is in a strong position with 50% vote, whereas our nearest competitor; the SP’S vote percentage is about 28-30,” BJP leader Vijay Pathak said. “The gap will not be easy to fill.”

Voters have already made up their mind for a change, countered SP’S Abhishek Mishra.

The backward classes of the state have decided to defeat the

BJP in 2022, Akhilesh Yadav has repeatedly stressed. Congress leader Priyanka Gandhi Vadra has been critical of the government’s treatment of farmers, and also promised that 40% of its candidates will be women.

Farmers, especially those from the western part of the state were among those protesting three farm laws passed by the Modi government in 2020, which were repealed in December. Farmer ire, some analysts say, could affect the BJP’S prospects in this region.

The Lakhimpur Kheri incident remains an issue, one which the opposition continues to raise. Priyanka Gandhi Vadra claimed the BJP has neglected farmers and pointed out that the union minister, Ajay Mishra Teni, continues to remain in office. Unlike the BJP and the SP, which have stitched up alliances with caste-based regional outfits, the BSP and the Congress have decided to contest independen­tly.

Poll issues

There is no single overarchin­g poll issue that will decide the outcome. Unlike the 1990s, when the Ram temple agitation and reservatio­ns for backward classes played the pivotal roles, subsequent elections have been more around personalit­ies and identities.

Through the 2000s, the backward caste politics of Mandal dominated the agenda. People voted for Mayawati and her social engineerin­g in 2007, for change and Akhilesh Yadav in 2012 and then Modi in 2017.

The poll issues also vary from region to region — east, west, Bundelkhan­d and Avadh.

“The issues are yet to evolve, but will vary from constituen­cy to constituen­cy,” BJP leader Amit Puri said.

The farm laws are an issue in the western parts of the state. Modi and Adityanath are factors in the east. Akhilesh Yadav’s return to power is the political wish of Avadh, while Bundelkhan­d, now out from the clutches of dacoits, yearns for water and developmen­t, say analysts.

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