Hindustan Times (Bathinda)

PM has zero tolerance for radicalisa­tion: Shah

- Smriti Kak Ramachandr­an letters@hindustant­imes.com

Each of these parties are regional entities. But their coalition will not have impact… These coalitions exist only on paper and are formed for the sake of headlines

AMIT SHAH, Home minister

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has a zero-tolerance policy towards radicalisa­tion and terrorism, Union home minister Amit Shah said on Tuesday, underlinin­g that the central government’s decision to ban Popular Front of India (PFI) earlier this year was based on a long list of “anti-national” activities that included pushing young people towards terrorism.

In an interview, the senior Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader expressed confidence that his party will win a seventh consecutiv­e assembly election in Gujarat due to its governance and developmen­t model that blunted anti-incumbency in the western state. He also praised Modi for raising India’s status on the global stage and said that the fight in Gujarat was between the BJP and the Congress only.

“The Modi government’s decision to ban PFI was based on a long list of anti national activities by the organisati­on. Their efforts to radicalise the youth and push them towards terror activities clearly show their intent and their designs and our attention was drawn to this. We also have evidence and a number of states had pushed for banning the organisati­on,” Shah said.

“This government will not show tolerance for any organisati­on undertakin­g similar activities. The PM has a zerotolera­nce policy towards radicalisa­tion and terrorism,” he added.

In September, the Centre outlawed PFI and its affiliates for five years under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, accusing them of involvemen­t in Islamic radicalisa­tion and terrorist activities, a move that came after a crackdown on the group’s leaders and office bearers across several states

Shah said that the BJP government in Gujarat recognised the requiremen­ts and aspiration­s of the people, and met them. This is why the party was confident of securing a decisive mandate, he added. “The BJP will break all its previous records of seat share and vote share this time and win with the best margin,” Shah said.

“Our developmen­t model is sarvaspars­hi (touching all) and sarvasamav­eshi (all inclusive) that spans all the areas. Whether it was in the area of education, irrigation, infrastruc­ture, urban and rural developmen­t, or welfare of the scheduled tribes, other backward classes and scheduled castes, we improved things everywhere,” he added.

Gujarat goes to the polls in two phases on December 1 and 5. The results will be announced on December 8. For the first time since 1990, the state — considered a BJP stronghold, and also the home of Modi and Shah — is witnessing a triangular contest between the BJP, Congress and the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP).

But Shah said that the BJP’S primary adversary was the Congress. “The opposition here is the Congress party. Not just in Gujarat but across the country it is going through an unstable phase and trying to establish its existence and the outcome of this can be seen in Gujarat as well,” he said.

He dismissed the AAP, which ran an energetic campaign and hoped to make a dent in the BJP and Congress votes, especially in Patidar-dominated seats in the Surat region. “The AAP has no resonance on the ground; and the people of Gujarat have no interest in the party. It is quite possible that their candidates will find no mention in the list of winners,” Shah said.

To blunt anti-incumbency, the BJP changed the chief minister and virtually the entire council of ministers in the state last year, dropping a number of sitting legislator­s, even as some senior leaders opted out of the electoral race. But Shah said that it should not be read as a pattern. “Each state has its own political situation. It also depends on the leaders themselves wishing to step away, the party’s role in this is minimal. There is no connection between picking candidates and a generation­al shift, it is a natural process,” Shah said.

Union home minister Amit Shah is confident that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) will retain power in Gujarat with an unpreceden­ted mandate and that its governance model, which he dubbed as all inclusive and pervasive, will blunt anti-incumbency in the state. Shah, who has been steering the election campaign in the state, said the Narendra Modi government has no tolerance for radicalisa­tion and terrorism and has ensured that India’s views on internatio­nal issues are heard and considered.

Shah spoke to Smriti Kak Ramachandr­an about the BJP’S pan-india expansion plans, the opposition it faces from other political parties, issues related to national security, and the reasons why he is all for education being imparted in the mother tongue. Edited excerpts:

Since the 1990s, the BJP has had a good run in Gujarat. This time it has said it is confident of setting a new record. Why do you think that the people of Gujarat will give the BJP such a decisive mandate?

With time, we have recognised the requiremen­ts and aspiration­s of the people and moulded both the party as well as the government to meet those in a holistic manner. If you keep changing and keep pace with time, you meet the expectatio­ns of people and I feel we have done this very well here in Gujarat. Secondly, no matter which government is in power, we normally see there is a limited area of thrust, but the BJP government in the state, under the [national] leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has created a developmen­t model which covers a wide variety of areas. Our developmen­t model is sarvaspars­hi (touching all) and sarvasamav­eshi (all-inclusive) that spans all the areas. Whether it was in the area of education, irrigation, infrastruc­ture, urban and rural developmen­t, or welfare of the Scheduled Tribes, OBCS, and Scheduled Castes, we could improve things everywhere. And people of the state could tell the difference and feel the improvemen­t on the ground. All sections of society, irrespecti­ve of caste, support the BJP and have representa­tion in the party.

This is the reason why we have been able to both earn and accumulate the people’s confidence for such a long time. We have also been successful in providing a transparen­t government and showing zero-tolerance for issues that threaten security. Because Gujarat is a border area, people here are touchy about security issues and have higher expectatio­ns. I feel we have been able to meet these expectatio­ns.

Will you break your own 127 seat win record of 2002?

It is obvious that we will get more seats. It is not advisable to comment on the numbers because it can come across as arrogant and neither the people nor the party cadre approves of that… The BJP will break all its previous records of seat share and vote share this time and win with the best margin.

There is no desire for a change among the younger generation because their representa­tives are here as well. The BJP has been making concerted efforts to meet the expectatio­ns of the younger lot... We have addressed their requiremen­ts.

The way in which PM Modi has helped India scale heights internatio­nally and taken our economy to greater heights has made India an attractive destinatio­n for manufactur­ing. Also, the PM’S opinions and our country’s views on internatio­nal issues have acquired certain heft.

The 2017 elections were high decibel and keenly fought, but this time the Opposition, particular­ly the Congress, seems missing from the electoral contest.

The Opposition here is the Congress party. Not just in Gujarat but across the country it is going through an unstable phase and trying to establish its existence and the outcome of this can be seen in Gujarat as well...

The political narrative is dominated by the BJP and the AAP. Do you think the Congress has ceded space and a new entity is ready to take its place?

The AAP has no resonance on the ground; and the people of Gujarat have no interest in the party. It is quite possible that their candidates will find no mention in the list of winners.

There is a generation that has only been acquainted with the BJP. Do you think there is an appetite for change among the young?

There is no desire for a change among the younger generation because their representa­tives are here as well. The BJP has been making concerted efforts to meet the expectatio­ns of the younger lot. There was a time when the state got power for four hours a day… today, Gujarat accounts for the most number of start-ups and micro, medium and small scale industries; we have the maximum number of unique universiti­es here, whether it is for studies in the petroleum sector or shipping or technology. We have addressed their expectatio­ns, requiremen­ts, and their future.

The PM is the BJP’S most popular leader. You have been steering all poll related meetings and both of you have been campaignin­g extensivel­y too. The Opposition, however, says this shows that the BJP is dependent on central leaders and leadership in the states is still flounderin­g.

Both Prime Minister Modi and I are from the state. Even otherwise, no matter in which state elections are being held, all BJP leaders go to canvass. We feel it is very important for us to maximise the reach of our ideology, principles, work, and agenda for the future. Concerted campaignin­g does not mean that it is a difficult election or appears so; the idea is to campaign as much as possible. The PM is our most popular leader and it is also his mandate to make the party win. Why should the party not fight election with him in the lead?

The manifesto in Gujarat refers to the setting up of an anti-radicalisa­tion cell that will identify and eliminate potential threats, and sleeper cells of the terrorist organisati­ons. Why does the party feel the need to announce such a step in Gujarat and will this be done pan India?

What is the harm in doing so? If there is any good beginning being made from anywhere, it should be welcomed. There should be a check on radicalisa­tion not only in Gujarat but across the country. While it is a good thing that the BJP in Gujarat has raised the issue, I feel there should be similar provisions across the country. To control radicalisa­tion should be everyone’s aim. As for the pan-india replicatio­n, first the contours will be drawn, a model will be readied and then the rest of the details will be completed and it’s obvious that there can be discussion­s on other states following suit or the cell being replicated at the national level.

The BJP’S manifesto promises Uniform Civil Code. Of late, all election-bound states have declared intent to set up committees for UCC. Why leave it to the states? Why not a central law?

This is an issue that is a joint area for the Centre and the states. There is a grey area, but states can go ahead with it.

Good governance and

developmen­t have been your main poll planks in Gujarat. So, why bring up the riots and surgical strikes and other ideologica­l issues such as the abrogation of Article 370 in election speeches?

Isn’t the security of Gujarat linked to that of the nation? If that’s not so then we should not raise these issues. We have to ensure safety of the country and its people. Even a single lapse makes the country’s safety vulnerable.

But do people vote on security issues or do issues such as inflation affect voter choice?

My job is to put forth our views. We make efforts to do that, you can see the results to ascertain if people accept the issues [we raise] or not.

What about poll promises of freebies?

People of this country are aware, they know providing for what is bigger than the allocated budget is not possible.

A few senior leaders in Gujarat opted out of the electoral race; this was seen as a generation­al shift. Will this be replicated in other states?

Each state has its own political situation. It also depends on the leaders themselves wishing to step away, the party’s role in this is minimal. There is no connection between picking candidates and a generation­al shift, it is a natural process. There is a generation­al change in the BJP’S party structure as well as in the government. This should not be read as a pattern.

But changing the entire cabinet in Gujarat was unpreceden­ted.

A number of those people who were changed then are now involved in the electionee­ring process.

The BJP is a cadre-based party with a mechanism to check internal feuds. Why was it hard for the party to convince rebels to withdraw in Himachal and now in Gujarat?

This is not unpreceden­ted. Himachal is a small state and the rebels contesting polls is common to both the Congress and the BJP. In smaller states, there is a political drawback since the constituen­cies are smaller, people think they can win easily. Besides, as compared to the previous election, there were fewer rebel candidates in both the states. In Gujarat, there were more such candidates last time… People tend to forget.

Are you confident that the BJP will buck the trend and retain power in Himachal Pradesh ?

Absolutely, the BJP will form government in the state and with a decisive mandate.

What is your view of the Opposition trying to cobble together a coalition against the BJP?

The way in which PM Modi has helped India scale heights internatio­nally and taken our economy to greater heights in a short span of time has made our country an attractive destinatio­n for manufactur­ing. Also, the PM’S opinions and our country’s views on internatio­nal issues have acquired certain heft. I don’t think any coalition would have made a difference to all this.

Each of these parties are regional entities and we have been contesting against them. But their coalition will not have an impact… for instance, if Samajwadi Party is an ally of the Congress (in Uttar Pradesh) that does not help the latter in Gujarat and the former does not benefit in UP, we will have a bipolar contest. These coalitions exist only on paper and are formed for the sake of headlines.

The National Democratic Alliance is shrinking. Can we say this is beginning of the end of coalition politics?

No, this is not true. A lot of parties are still with the NDA. There is an alliance government at the Centre even today, this when we are in a majority. We have given ministeria­l positions to our allies. We had representa­tives (in the Union council of ministers) from the JD(U) and the Akali Dal when they were part of the NDA.

The Opposition accuses the government of misusing agencies. The AAP, for instance, says cases against its leaders are in response to the threat the BJP faces from the party’s popularity. TRS also said the same.

As far as the accusation of misusing the agencies is concerned, there is legal recourse available in our country. We have a legal system that is neutral and if they feel there is misuse, they should approach the courts.

There has been a lot of concern about the activities of the PFI, and there was a growing clamour for banning the organisati­on. You mentioned the PFI without naming it at the No Money for Terror conference as well.

The Modi government’s decision to ban PFI was based on a long list of anti-national activities by the organisati­on. Their efforts to radicalise the youth and push them towards terror activities clearly show their intent and their designs and our attention was drawn to this. We also have evidence and a number of states had pushed for banning the organisati­on. This government will not show tolerance for any organisati­on undertakin­g similar activities. The PM has a zero-tolerance policy towards radicalisa­tion and terrorism.

There was a record number of tourists in J&K this year, yet targeted attacks on civilians and Pandits in the Valley continue. How do you see this? Also, are assembly elections on the horizon?

Targeted killings have come down. The number has fallen drasticall­y in recent times. Earlier, the numbers used to be in three digits and now it’s substantia­lly lower.

Assembly elections will be conducted after the electoral rolls are ready and it depends on the Election Commission to announce the schedule.

Will the government review the contours of the PM package as demanded by the employees who got jobs in the Valley under the initiative?

No firm decision has yet been taken by the Union government; it is under considerat­ion.

The MHA recently sought a report from the Delhi chief secretary on the alleged special treatment given to AAP leader Satyendar Jain inside Tihar jail. Have you received any report on the issue and do you think this underlines the need for prison reforms?

When the minister in charge of prisons is himself in prison and is not resigning from his position and no media is asking questions, this is what will happen. The issue is not jail reform here.

While the rules for CAA are yet to be framed, you have asked states to identify 100 illegal immigrants.

It (framing the rules) will take some more time.

You refer to yourself as a student of history and have spoken about the need to revisit what is taught in schools.

What I said was that we need students of history to research and document 300 such national leaders and 30 dynasties that ruled for over 150 years and presented a model of governance but were overlooked by historians. Students need to research and their professors need to encourage them.

You often tread into the realm of controvers­y over the use of Hindi and other regional languages for imparting education.

There was no controvers­y, it was created. What I said was medical and technical education and law should be taught in regional languages. I feel all government­s should initiate the process of translatin­g books and reading material (in these streams) into regional languages so that talent is encouraged. Currently, we use only about 5% of the talent in the country. Once we start imparting education in regional languages, we will use 100% of our talent. Research and basic thinking are linked and these are best done in the mother tongue.

The BJP had formulated a Coromandel project to expand its footprint in the southern states. How far has the party’s outreach yielded results?

No party can reach the position of being able to form government in a state in a short span of one or two elections. Our vote share was 3% and with an increase in our Lok Sabha seats (18), it increased to 40% in West Bengal. In Odisha, our vote share has gone up. In Telangana, we are the main opposition. Our performanc­e will be good in Andhra Pradesh. And the party is growing in Tamil Nadu. The expansion of an ideology-based party does not happen overnight. Today, we have four MPS from Telangana and eight from Odisha. This is a big number.

What about the status of pending issues in the North-east such as the Naga accord?

The problems in the region have been solved to a great extent. We can say there’s been a decline of about 80% in all kinds of violence. Prime Minister Modi has accelerate­d the process of connecting each state [with the mainland] through air and rail network. An airport in Arunachal Pradesh was recently inaugurate­d and people can feel the developmen­t in the region. In the last eight years, the Prime Minister has made 42 trips to the region which is the most done by any Prime Minister. All insurgent groups are slowly joining the mainstream, this is a positive developmen­t and we will soon solve the remaining problems, including those of boundary disputes between states.

What do you think will be the political outcome of Congress leader Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo Yatra?

I have always supported putting in efforts in the political sphere. I think it’s good when someone strives to work hard. But in politics, only sustained efforts show results. Let’s see what happens.

 ?? ??
 ?? AJAY AGGARWAL /HT ??
AJAY AGGARWAL /HT

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from India