Hindustan Times (Chandigarh)

‘I am young and I have a dream…’ Rajiv Gandhi on creating a new India

May 21 is the death anniversar­y of the PM who helmed liberalisa­tion and modernised defence and technology

- MARGARET ALVA

It was the night of May 21, 1991. There was a knock on the window. I opened it to see a policeman who said, “Saab is gone ma.” I thought it was my husband. “Where, how, when?” I shouted. “Near Chennai, a bomb blast ma, Rajivji has died,” he replied. Suddenly everything had collapsed.

My leader, my friend, the icon of millions was gone.

The next three days in Delhi were a whirl, as Rajiv Gandhi's body lay in state at Teen Murti House — exactly where his mother had been seven years ago. I recalled 1984, when a stoic Rajivji had received leaders and grieving crowds.

Even as the young prime minister took charge of the government, the party began to gear up for the elections, he was clear that he had to seek the people’s mandate. He won with the highest ever seats in Parliament (401) prompting that memorable comment from Atal Bihari Vajpayee, leader of the opposition, “Indira Gandhi has proven herself more powerful dead than alive.”

Rajivji was sworn in as prime minister again on December 31, 1984, with his own team of young new faces. I had the privilege of being one of them.

“I am young and I have a dream …” he declared, setting about to create a new India. Ministries were reorganise­d, the ministry of human resource developmen­t created with emphasis on women, youth and child developmen­t programmes. The two pathbreaki­ng initiative­s he spearheade­d were 33% reservatio­ns for women in elected bodies and lowering the age of voting to 18. “The PM never sleeps and does not let us sleep either” was the lament in bureaucrat­ic circles.

It was a joy working with him. We were a team. We argued, we differed, we joked, we travelled and shared experience­s. Calling him sir was frowned upon. “I have a name,” he would insist.

Although we had a wonderful relationsh­ip, there were two issues on which I differed strongly with him. One was the reversal of the Shah Bano judgment and the other sending our forces to Sri Lanka. Both I believed were disastrous for him, for the party and for the country.

With his massive majority in Parliament, legislatio­n of far-reaching consequenc­es were passed, the first steps

towards the liberalisa­tion of the economy taken, computers in administra­tion introduced and the country’s defences modernised.

Things were going so well. But, this did not suit certain vested interests at home and abroad. Suddenly, we heard an unknown source claim in a Swedish Radio broadcast, that there were pay-offs in a defence deal between Sweden and India and sought to implicate the PM.

The deal to purchase 155 mm Bofors guns for the Indian Army became the one point issue for the onslaught which damaged and hurt him deeply. The Congress readily agreed to a joint parliament­ary committee on the Bofors issues, which completely exonerated Rajivji.

Yet the matter was taken to court. VP Singh, the ambitious finance minister who had also served as defence minister resigned to lead the campaign against him. As the 1989 elections approached, the campaign against Rajivji gathered momentum leading to the Congress’ defeat. All efforts to implicate him over 21 years have failed with hundreds of crores spent to try and pin an alleged ~78 crore bribe on him.

The Congress won 197 seats in 1989. As the leader of the single largest party, Rajivji was invited to form the government. He refused. “The people have rejected us; we must submit to their verdict,” he insisted. And so VP Singh led a coalition and achieved his ambition, though not for long, of becoming PM. A handful of senior Congress leaders came to tell him that they had decided to boycott the “traitor”. Rajivji calmly replied, “He is being sworn in as the nation’s prime minister. I am going to attend.” He then got into his car and drove to Rashtrapat­i Bhavan to attend the swearing-in.

The next two years saw government­s come and go, finally taking us to the 1991 mid-term poll. The government in power played around with his security, even withdrawin­g his special cover despite a serious threat perception.

The 1991 general election campaign had been a harrowing one, Rajivji’s hands and feet were scratched and bruised. But he was full of enthusiasm, putting fresh energy into the team, warning that time was running out.

Today, 28 years after that tragedy, the nation watches as a prime minister makes wild and unproven allegation­s against a martyred predecesso­r. If Rajivji could speak today, his words would be those of Christ on the Cross “Father forgive them for they know not what they do.”

May his soul rest in peace.

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