Hindustan Times (Chandigarh)

Framers put forth a plural, secular basis for citizenshi­p

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to supplement the constituti­onal provisions.

Changes were made in the details of the citizenshi­p law from time to time. For instance, in 1986, on account of apprehensi­on that certain persons who were foreigners, were giving birth to their child in India, solely for the purpose that the child acquires Indian citizenshi­p by birth, an amendment was made that applied prospectiv­ely so that all those who were born in India post 1987 would be eligible for Indian citizenshi­p only if one of their parents was also an Indian citizen. While this was a significan­t departure from the principle of jus soli, which guaranteed citizenshi­p solely by birth, it was not based on identity of the individual, particular­ly immutable ones such as religion or country of origin.

Different waves of migrants, be it the Tibetans from China post 1950s or the Ugandans of Indian Origin who were thrown out during the reign of Idi Amin in the 1970s, were granted citizenshi­p under these religion neutral, race neutral, ethnicity neutral and origin neutral laws. In fact, the law of citizenshi­p in India, was so non-controvers­ial that until the passage of Citizenshi­p (Amendment) Act, 2019 or CAA last month, most practising lawyers were not even aware of the details of Indian citizenshi­p law.

This secular model of acquisitio­n of citizenshi­p served many objectives. The first and most important is that it gave assurance to every citizen, irrespecti­ve of their religious or ethnic identity that they are equal to every other citizen in the country.

This “de jure” equality may not always result in a “de facto” equality. Certain caste groups or religious groups have continued to enjoy more power in the society than others. But the constituti­onal assurance that before the laws everyone is equal has broadly assured every religious/ethnic group in the country that institutio­nalised discrimina­tion is not one of the objectives of the state.

Second, the plural and secular basis of Indian citizenshi­p has allowed India to evolve an internatio­nal reputation of being an inclusive society. India stood out, not just in South Asia, which has a large number of theocratic states with preferred state religions such as Pakistan (Islam), Sri Lanka (Buddhism), Bangladesh (lslam) and Bhutan (Buddhism), but also as a potential inclusive world leader. Countries that discrimina­te among their own population­s do not have a history of emerging as global leaders.

Subsequent to the passage of the CAA over the last one month it is clear how both these advantages have evaporated fast.

Protests across the country by several sections of the society, have shown that the people

Article 19(1)e of the Constituti­on states that all citizens shall have the right to move freely throughout the territory of India

Article 19(2) imposes reasonable restrictio­ns on the exercise of this right in the interests of the sovereignt­y and integrity of India, the security of the state, friendly relations with foreign states, public order, decency or morality or in relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence

A college trip with friends, a work assignment or a honeymoon, Article 19(1)e is responsibl­e for making it all happen are not protesting because the amendment in the citizenshi­p act will impact them personally, but because the foundation of equal citizenshi­p as a core founding value is sought to be breached by the amendments, even if one looks at the CAA in isolation without combining it with National Register of Citizens (NRC).

Unsurprisi­ngly, the repeated assurance by the government that the CAA does not seek to take away citizenshi­p of any existing Indian citizen has had no impact, as people are not reacting to just the CAA but have assessed CAA for what it really is, a significan­t change on how the state will from hereon prioritise citizenshi­p claims around a certain preferred religion.

Similarly, the internatio­nal criticism, particular­ly in the internatio­nal press of the Narendra Modi government and the direction it is taking India into, has been scathing. Having survived its first term in the jet stream of India’s global secular credential, Modi’s India has quickly become like Erdogan’s Turkey in the internatio­nal mind.

One would have hoped that given the serious negative domestic and internatio­nal fallout of the CAA, the government would have retraced its steps. But in its obstinacy, the government has dug its heals in.

Citizenshi­p is described as the “right to have rights” and an informed and politicall­y aware citizenry such as that of India is unlikely to give up the fight. It has understood that if there cannot be equality in citizenshi­p, there cannot be equality in life.

 ?? HT PHOTO ?? Vallabhbha­i Patel
HT PHOTO Vallabhbha­i Patel

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