Hindustan Times (East UP)

The battle over Delhi’s status

The Capital can’t be a full state. But don’t dilute the powers of the elected government

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On Monday, the Centre tabled a bill introducin­g an amendment to the legislativ­e framework that forms the basis for governance in Delhi — the Government of National Capital Territory of Delhi (Amendment) Bill, 2021. This has three elements. One, the expression “government” in any law passed by the Delhi legislativ­e assembly would mean the Lieutenant-Governor (L-G) — this collapses the conceptual distinctio­n that existed, so far, between L-G and the government of Delhi. Two, it, effectivel­y, expands L-G’s powers, from the realm of police, public order and land, to include all other decisions by the elected government, which will now have to go to L-G for prior consultati­on. Three, it weakens the power of the Delhi assembly and its committees to take up issues related to day-today administra­tion of the Capital and conduct inquiries in relation to administra­tive decisions. All of this, the Centre claims, is consistent with a Supreme Court (SC) judgment of 2018 and will provide structural clarity to governance in Delhi.

It won’t. To be sure, Delhi is the national Capital — and demands for full statehood to Delhi are not justified. Global examples show that most federal government­s, for reasons of security and administra­tive ease, retain a substantia­l degree of control over capital territorie­s, even if there is variation in the scope of powers. In India, too, given the presence of Parliament, diplomatic missions, all central ministries, and the impact of events in one part of the Capital on its overall functionin­g, the Centre, through L-G, needs to retain a degree of control. Indeed, the District of Columbia’s residents (Washington DC) have no representa­tion in the Senate.

But there is little sense in diluting the existing (and limited) powers of the state government, and taking Delhi back to a framework of centralise­d control, which is what the amendment may do. Delhi’s experiment with having an elected government has been positive — from the time of Madan Lal Khurana through Sahib Singh Verma to Sheila Dikshit and Arvind Kejriwal — for it has forced a more responsive administra­tion. The 2018 SC judgment limits L-G’s role. The Centre must not let political considerat­ions and its uneasy relationsh­ip with the Delhi government dictate a change that will set the clock back for Delhi.

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