Hindustan Times (East UP)

March 25, 1971: When the Indian subcontine­nt changed

- Jayant Prasad Jayant Prasad is a retired diplomat The views expressed are personal

On March 25, 50 years ago, the Pakistan army led a genocidal crackdown in Dhaka, which changed the course of the history of the Indian subcontine­nt. It led to the Liberation War, the division of Pakistan, and the creation of Bangladesh.

President Yahya Khan asked the Commander of the Pakistan Army’s Eastern Command and the governor of East Pakistan, General Tikka Khan, to “sort out” the Bengali population seeking greater autonomy. “Operation Searchligh­t” was unleashed as darkness descended on Dhaka on March 25. That night, the Pakistan army launched murderous assaults on the police lines, Dhaka University’s Jagannath Hall, Iqbal Hall, and girls hostel, Rokeya Hall, as well as in the Hindu-dominated areas of old Dhaka. By the morning of March 26, some 7,000 Dhaka residents lay dead. From then on, the independen­ce of Bangladesh became inevitable.

Pakistan’s Hamoodur Rehman Commission convenient­ly pinned the blame for the Pakistan Army’s defeat in erstwhile East Pakistan to atrocities, corruption, and cowardice. The moral turpitude of the officers of the Pakistan army might have precipitat­ed Bangladesh’s Liberation War, but it was not the main reason for the Pakistan army’s defeat. General Tikka Khan, who ordered and supervised the crackdown and killings of March 25, 1971, had none of President Khan’s vices. The failures attributed to the Pakistan army trivialise the magnitude of oppression and alienation of the people of Bangladesh; their constant humiliatio­n ever since the time they opted to be a part of Pakistan. They also absolve the Pakistan political class of the stigma of defeat.

The genocide in Bangladesh started even before the March 25 crackdown. Upon the postponeme­nt of the session of the National Assembly of Pakistan on March 1, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman called for civil disobedien­ce. In response, in Rangpur, the Awami League brought out a procession, which was fired upon by pro-Pakistan Biharis encouraged by the local administra­tion. From then on, and until the liberation of Bangladesh, nearly 20,000 houses were demolished and approximat­ely 50,000 people killed in genocidal attacks on Rangpur’s population. Researcher­s have so far identified 35-40 mass execution fields at Rangpur. In the nine months until the liberation of Bangladesh, an estimated three million people died, and 200,000 women suffered sexual violence by the Pakistan army and its accomplice­s.

Pakistan was created on imperfect foundation­s, made possible by Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s guile, popular mobilisati­on, mistakes made by contempora­ry politician­s, and the feeling among a large section of India’s population that they constitute­d two nations. The British, Jinnah, and leaders of the Congress all contribute­d to India’s Partition.

Once created, Pakistan needed nurturing and a common purpose. Unfortunat­ely, its leaders were not equal to the task. The country was a geographic anomaly. The binding element between its two wings was not sufficient to hold it together without an inspiratio­nal effort. This was never attempted.

The remarkable success that Jinnah had in mobilising public opinion in favour of the idea of Pakistan and in selling the two-nation theory, blinded Pakistan’s political elite to the pull of the linguistic factor as a binding force among the peoples constituti­ng erstwhile East Pakistan. The political leaders there indeed felt that Islam was an important imperative in deciding their political future, which is why they had supported the creation of Pakistan. That did not mean, however, that the Bengali leaders were committed to Urdu as the national language of Pakistan. Yahya Khan’s decision to postpone the Constituen­t Assembly indefinite­ly, notwithsta­nding the sweeping Awami League electoral victory, created conditions for a showdown. Accounts of what happened in Dhaka in March 1971 indicate that after the Pakistan Army retreated to within the cantonment, a non-cooperatio­n movement involving the whole of the civilian population took hold of East Pakistan. General Tikka Khan arrived in Dhaka on March 7. The chief justice of East Pakistan, Badruddin Ahmad Siddiki, refused to swear him in as the new governor.

The administra­tion, judiciary, and police all refused to obey the orders of the Pakistan establishm­ent, and effectivel­y began reporting to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, whose call for the creation of a new nation came on March 7 in a speech at the Ramna Race Course in Dhaka. Public expectatio­n was that he would declare Bangladesh’s independen­ce. What he said was somewhat short of that. He declared the start of a liberation struggle. The die was cast. Independen­ce was then only a matter of time.

The Mukti Bahini was a decisive factor in India’s quick victory and the liberation of Bangladesh: The Pakistan army surrendere­d on December 16, 1971, less than two weeks after the war broke out. The brilliant Indian campaign benefited from the support of the people of Bangladesh, but its victory was also hastened by the mistakes of Pakistan’s ruling elite.

What is the foremost lesson of the March 25 massacre? Nation-building needs inclusiven­ess. It is important never to alienate the people, for discontent can change quickly to anger, and then to hatred. What happened to Pakistan is an object lesson of how not to ruin a nation. The fractured psyche of the people of Bangladesh created a fractured Pakistan, transformi­ng the map of South Asia.

 ?? GETTY IMAGES ?? In the nine months until the liberation of Bangladesh, an estimated three million people died, and 200,000 women suffered sexual violence
GETTY IMAGES In the nine months until the liberation of Bangladesh, an estimated three million people died, and 200,000 women suffered sexual violence
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