Hindustan Times (East UP)

In this age, social justice politics requires the unity of diverse deprived groups

- Harish Wankhede Harish Wankhede is an assistant professor at Jawaharlal Nehru University The views expressed are personal.

When the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) won Uttar Pradesh (UP) in 2007, it was considered a historic moment for marginalis­ed communitie­s because it underlined the transforma­tive potential of social justice politics. But the party’s complete rout in the recent assembly elections belied that hope. It is possible that the BSP might face a fate similar to Maharashtr­a’s Dalit political movement.

The BSP was born out of Babasaheb Ambedkar’s vision, which envisaged social justice as not merely an institutio­nal practice for the economic welfare of the poor, but a dynamic tool to generate revolution­ary political consciousn­ess among marginalis­ed communitie­s. In the later stages, it was Kanshi Ram, the BSP’s founder, who re-imagined the agenda of social justice as a transforma­tive political ideology. Kanshi Ram showcased that national political parties retain their domination over legislativ­e bodies by relegating lower caste groups to passive vote banks. He proposed the replacemen­t of the convention­al ruling elites by Dalit-Bahujan collective­s and forged alliances between Scheduled Castes (SCs) and backward groups.

By 2000, the BSP had risen as a maverick force and introduced Mayawati as a contender for Delhi’s throne. Her time as chief minister in UP expanded the representa­tion of Dalits and Other Backward Classes (OBC) and worked against caste discrimina­tion with law and order enforcemen­t and social justice policies.

For sustained growth of the party, forming social and political alliances was a foundation­al requiremen­t. However, stiff social divisions and cultural ruptures between Dalits and OBCs disallowed this possibilit­y. Further, Mayawati showed little interest in crafting independen­t Dalit-Bahujan leadership in other states. Her defeat in the 2012 assembly elections first ignited criticism that the party was getting attached to the Jatavs, the largest SC group, whereas other worse-off social groups were not given space.

In consecutiv­e elections, the party became increasing­ly dependent upon the Jatav social base and the capacity of individual candidates to mobilise support from their own castes and communitie­s. The party’s limitation to engage with the vulnerable and economical­ly poor sections within Dalits, OBCs, and Muslims, later forced the party to look for the dominant castes (mainly Brahmins) for electoral victories.

By the 2017 assembly elections in UP, the party was failing to project itself as a primary opposition to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), instead investing its energies to challenge the Samajwadi Party (SP). This rivalry created more chasms between Dalit and OBC groups — which couldn’t be bridged by the time the two parties came together before the 2019 general election — allowing the BJP to mobilise socially vulnerable sections. It allowed the BJP to paint the Opposition as caste-based parties.

The BSP showed no organisati­onal grit or ideologica­l merit in challengin­g the Right-wing juggernaut. Instead, it was left hallucinat­ing about its convention­al social engineerin­g tactics and assumed that its traditiona­l vote base would remain committed to the party. The party looked unaware about the BJP’s growing might in the state. On the electoral turf, the party appeared lethargic, its leadership looked unconvinci­ng, and there was lack of zeal among activists.

The party continues to have an ideologica­l agenda but needs to regain the ability to provide a voice to the grievances of the deprived masses. It needs to rise above old electoral calculatio­ns based on the convention­al arrangemen­t of caste and communitie­s and challenge the BJP on its core competence — election management, perception-building, and availabili­ty of capital. Defeating the BJP on a cultural turf is difficult now. Proponents of social justice politics must demonstrat­e sincere accountabi­lity towards worse-off social groups and ensure their dignified presence in the mainstream political process.

This is possible only if the Dalit-Bahujan movement promotes a dynamic mass leader, offers a populist slogan to unite the diverse deprived groups, and builds a sustained democratic struggle of Dalits and OBCs against the Hindutva regime.

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