Punjab’s politics defies vote banks

P unjab’s electoral politics has undergone a qualitative shift. It has transformed from two parties rotational system to multi-party contests, leading to crowding of the electoral space. Its distinct demographic terrain has evolved to place urban Hindus and Dalits as the game-changers. The peasantry and the urban Sikh traders who exercised hegemonic control for more than four decades have been divided into factions in support of three competing political parties — the Congress, the Akalis and the new entrant Aam Aadmi Party.

Metaphorically, Punjabi Hindus and Scheduled Castes decide their next ‘Jat Sikh’ CM. In view of this, it would be an electoral misadventure to cultivate exclusive support bases. There are only 11 Jatmajority, six Dalit-majority and three non-Jat-general-category-majority constituencies in Punjab. In other words, more than 97 segments are diversity sensitive. There is a need to initiate social engineering among these demographically placed distinct groups.

WHY SCS COULD NOT EMERGE AS A GROUP

The Scheduled Castes constitute more than 32% of the population in Punjab and yet do not affirm to be a homogenous group. As many as 60% of the SCs are followers of the Sikh religion and remaining 40% are Hindus. As a consequence, they have not developed as exclusive caste vote bank and are not represented in politics by a caste-based party. Among themselves, Dalits are fragmented into Mazhabis, Chamars, Ad-dharmis, and Balmikis, accounting for 80% of all SCs. Like other identities, caste in Punjab has its own regional flavour.

The ‘uncertain religious allegiance’ of the Dalits and in the absence of caste as a defining parameter for social position, Dalits found representation in all the political parties in the state. Even the Jat-dominated Shiromani Akali Dal gave more representation to the Dalits in six elections out of 11 it fought since 1967. For instance, in 1969, of 25 SC legislators, 44% were from the Akali Dal. Not only this, in 1977 (48%), 1985 (62%), 1997 (77%), 2007 (55%) and 2012 (62%), a majority of the Scheduled Caste legislators were from the Akali Dal. Interestingly, they have allocated ticket to a Dalit candidate from a non-reserved constituency of Kapurthala.

PARTY POSITIONS

In five elections more Scheduled Caste legislators were elected on the Congress ticket. In 1967 (52%), 1972 (61%), 1980 (45%), 1992 (63%) and 2002 (48%) Scheduled Caste legislators were from the Congress. Even the BJP gave representation to the Dalits.

For instance, in 1997, 13% of the Scheduled Caste legislators belonged to the BJP. It is interesting that Dalit legislators have been elected from political parties other than the BSP and the Communist parties.

With the emergence of the third party, i.e. the AAP, the political dynamics has changed. The AAP has reached out to Scheduled Castes, particularly youth, effectively. For instance, in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, the AAP was in lead in 14, second in one and emerged as a spoiler in 16 segments reserved for SCs.

In fact, the Dalits could not emerge as a vote bank for the BSP in Punjab. For instance, the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) could find a positive response in Uttar Pradesh (UP), whereas, in Punjab that has the highest percentage of the Dalit population in the country, it could find a nominal response. Even the BSP leader, Mayawati, could not get elected from Hoshiarpur and Kanshi Ram, the BSP supremo, could win only once in the 1996 parliamentary elections in alliance with the Akalis. To illustrate, the BSP vote-share in Uttar Pradesh increased from 11% in 1993 to 23% in 2002.

Both in Punjab and Uttar Pradesh, the initial response of the Dalits was to identify themselves with BSP as there was a low degree of representation of the Scheduled Castes. But in Punjab there is a trend to move away from the BSP. For instance, in 1992 it secured 16% votes. In 1997, the BSP polled 8% of the votes without winning a seat that led to the defeat of nine Congress, five Akali and three BJP candidates. In the 2002 elections, the vote share of BSP was around 6% and it led to the defeat of at least 10 Congress, 15 Akali and 2 BJP candidates in these elections.

In the 2007 polls, BSP emerged as the main spoiler with only 4% votes, which led to the defeat of 18 Congress and 14 Akali candidates. In 2012, BSP votes led to the defeat of 13 Congress and 10 SAD candidates.

BSP’S FAILURE

Punjab has been known for its liberal religious practices in relation to caste. Both Sikhism and Arya Samaj have liberated the Dalits from the stringent purity-pollution based behavioural patterns. Furthermore, the political content of the BSP has been unable to capture the regional, cultural and economic specificities of Punjab. The purity-pollution and Manuwad that are the BSP’s main ideological planks do not find expression in Punjab in view of the role of Sikhism and the Arya Samaj.

In the context of historical experience of mistreatment moderated by reform movements, religion and not caste is the defining marker of political participation. Also, societal dynamism has thwarted processes to cultivate caste as a core basis of social, political interactions. Politics continues to function on religio-caste domain, engaging citizens with a number of cultural possibilities and choices.

The disturbing aspect is that the socio-economic index of the Dalits (50% of the total poor in Punjab) continues to be dismal as compared to other castes. Unemployment rate is also higher in Dalits. The education and health status is also not very favourable to the Dalits. The gross enrolment ratio in higher education (18-22 years) is 6.1% as compared to 30% for others.

The allocation for the development and welfare schemes is multiplying every year with no significant difference in the socio-economic status of the Dalits. Resource allocation, access to jobs, services, health and education facilities must reach the socially deprived sections, failing which, the Dalits may emerge as an exclusive votebank and disturb the political arithmetic of the state.

Writer is director of Institute for Development and Communication, Chandigarh. Views are personal.

SCHEDULED CASTES CONSTITUTE MORE THAN 32% OF THE TOTAL POPULATION IN PUNJAB AND YET DO NOT AFFIRM TO BE A HOMOGENOUS GROUP